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Germanic-speaking Gothic tribes capture Taman. According to Adyghe legend, the eldest son of Prince Dauo – Baksan [cf. Karamzin's prince of the Antes Boxa], was killed by the Gothic king [Sh. Nogmov "History of the Atykhei People"].


Materials:

History of Adygea. Gubzhokov 2009

In Greek chronicles, the collective name for the proto-Adyghe – "Maeotians" is replaced by "Zikhs." Part of the Zikhs descends back to the deserted plains of the Kuban, where they encounter the Turkic-speaking Bulgars [Utigurs], who had separated from the "Hunnic alliance." On the "ruins" of the Bosporan Kingdom, the positions of Byzantium strengthened, whose main enemy became the Bulgars. The Zikhs entered into a military alliance with Byzantium, which served as the beginning of the strengthening of Christianity's position. The Zikhs went to war against the Goths and liberated Taman from them. Byzantium neutralized the Bulgars in the Northwestern Caucasus.


Materials:

History of Adygea. Gubzhokov 2009

The earliest written monuments attested on the territory of modern Abkhazia are monuments of Greek script. It began to spread even before our era, in the ancient period. A number of Greek trading settlements appeared on the coast of Abkhazia, among which the most famous were Dioscurias (near Sukhumi) (this city is mentioned in the Greek myth of the Argonauts, recorded, in particular, by Apollonius of Rhodes), Gyenos (near Ochamchire) and others. Monuments of Greek script date back to the first centuries AD. Leaving aside the Greek coins with inscriptions that were discovered during archaeological excavations (especially in Sukhumi and Pitsunda), we can also point to epigraphic and other inscriptions that arose already on local soil. Such most ancient monuments of Greek script include inscriptions on the Sukhumi clay lamp, the Bichvinta (Pitsunda. — V.B.) mosaic and the seal of an Abkhazian ruler. One of the inscriptions (the decipherment and dating of the inscriptions were made by T.S. Kaukchishvili) on the lamp (1st century) reads: "Stranger, worship the lord Hermes-Mercury (the deity of trade and patron of travelers. — V.B.) for salvation." And in the surviving fragments of the inscription on the Pitsunda mosaic (5th–7th centuries) there are lines from the "Apocalypse of John" ("I am Alpha and Omega, the beginning and the end, says the Lord..."). This is in one part of the fragment, and in the other surviving part: "In prayer for Orel and for all his house." On the pendant seal of the Abkhazian king of the 8th century, we find the inscription "Konstantinos Abasgias" (Constantine of Abasgia).


From the History of Writing in Abkhazia. Kh.S. Bgazhba. 1967

Christian preachers constantly arrived in Zikhia from Byzantium. Simultaneously with the penetration of Christianity into their midst, the Adyghe remained faithful to the cults and beliefs of their ancestors. In the southeast of Zikhia, Christianity had stronger positions. A cultural and ethnic demarcation occurred from "Zikhia" of the independent tribal union "Apsua" [Abkhazians].


Materials:

History of Adygea. Gubzhokov 2009

Zikhia fell under the rule of Byzantium, which was expressed in the fact that they had to bear naval service in the form of supplying ships and naval equipment. From this time on, natives of the Zikhs began to seep into the military and administrative life of Byzantium, many of whom became influential court dignitaries.


Materials:

History of Adygea. Gubzhokov 2009

Agathias of Myrina (c. 536–537 AD — 582 AD) "On the Reign of Justinian"

According to the edition: Agathias of Myrina "On the Reign of Justinian" Translation by M.V. Levchenko. M. 1996.

Book 2

18. I return to the interrupted narrative. I now need to turn to the country of the Laz and the Persian wars, as they were waged at that time.
Between the Romans and the Persians, a great war had been going on for a long time, and they often devastated each other's lands, either making raids without any declaration of war, or clashing with numerous armies in open battles. Shortly before this, a truce was concluded, not, however, to have complete peace and to completely prevent the danger of war, but only in the east, within the borders of Armenia, peace was guaranteed to each people. Within the borders of Colchis, however, the war continued.

The Laz in ancient times were called Colchians. That this is really so, no one will doubt if he is familiar with the territory of the Phasis, the Caucasus and knows about their long-term habitation in these places. They say that the country of the Colchians is a colony of the Egyptians. For much earlier than the arrival of the heroes who accompanied Jason, and even earlier than the dominion of the Assyrians and the times of Ninus and Semiramis, Sesostris, the Egyptian king, having gathered a numerous army from his subjects, not only traversed and conquered all of Asia, but even reached this country and left a known part of his army there, from which the origin of the Colchian race begins. Diodorus Siculus and many other ancient historians bear witness to this.

So these Laz, or Colchians, or Egyptians who changed their place of residence, in our age were troubled by frequent wars, and many battles took place in these regions. For Khosrow, the Persian king, having invaded and already seized a number of very advantageous positions in this country, by no means wished to be satisfied with this, but considered it necessary to subjugate the rest of the country to his power. Justinian, the Roman emperor, did not consider it right or just to leave without help Gubazes, who was at that time king of the Colchians, and all the people subject to him, friendly disposed, bound by unity of religion. Moreover, he tried as soon as possible and with all his might to drive the enemy out of there. For he also feared that if the Persians prevailed in the war and gained possession of the whole country, they would no longer have any obstacles to sailing without any danger on the Black Sea and invading the interior regions of the Roman Empire. Therefore, he concentrated there the greatest and strongest Roman army under the command of his best generals. For it was commanded by Bessas, Martin and Bouzes, most distinguished men and proven in numerous battles. Even Justin, son of Germanus, was sent, being still very young, but already experienced in military affairs.

19. Mermeroes, the Persian leader, twice attacked Archaeopolis, but was repulsed. I pass over in silence some other actions, especially since the rhetor Procopius speaks of them in detail. From here I should begin my account. So, at that time he [Mermeroes] again comes to the fortifications of Mochirisis and Cotaisium with the intention that, having bypassed the difficult terrain around Telephis, he might reach the Phasis River, and when the Romans were struck by his unexpected arrival, to try in some way to capture the fortifications, which would be very difficult to accomplish if he were advancing in an open and direct manner.
The strategos Martin, however, with his troops stationed in Telephis (this was a strong and very well-fortified barrier), guarded the passes with the utmost care. And in general this place was extremely difficult to pass. For chasms and sheer cliffs facing each other made the path below very narrow, and there was no other approach from any side. The fields around were extremely muddy and marshy, covered with dense bushes and thickets, so that even for a single lightly armed man the passage was very difficult, much more so for heavily armed masses. Moreover, the Romans spared no effort, and if they found any place insufficiently secure, which seemed passable, they blocked it with logs and stones and constantly worked at it. When Mermeroes was in difficulty in such a situation and pondered the situation much, he came at last to the conclusion that if he could in some way remove the Roman guard and gradually weaken their vigilance, the attempt to pass would not be completely hopeless.
If the enemy continuously guard the place, it is impossible to overcome both difficulties. If they relax their vigilance, and only the difficulty of the trackless path remains and the impassable roads must somehow be made passable, he did not consider this completely impossible. He hoped to pass without much difficulty by cutting down and clearing the thickets with many hands, by undermining and removing the obstructing rocks. Therefore, to carry out his plan, he resorts to the following trick. He pretended to have suddenly fallen seriously and incurably ill and took to his bed, showing signs of suffering the greatest pain and lamenting his fate. Suddenly the whole army was seized by a rumor that the general had fallen very seriously ill and would not live long. From those who for pay preferred to serve the enemy, betraying their own and giving out military secrets, the truth was hidden. The plan was preserved in the most reliable way and was not communicated even to his closest friends. Deceived only by the rumors that spread among the crowd, they [the spies] informed the Romans about this, who easily believed it, and not so much the news as their own inner desire.

20. They immediately relaxed their formerly active and constant care and began to guard less diligently. After a few days it was announced that Mermeroes had died. In reality, he was hiding in a hut, moreover so that even his closest people were convinced of the same opinion. Then it seemed even more superfluous to the Romans to spend sleepless nights and to work excessively. As a result, abandoning the barriers and labors which they had devoted to this purpose, they began to lead a dissolute life, sleeping through the nights, spending time in the camps, doing nothing useful, and even ceasing to send out scouts. They convinced themselves that the Persians, deprived of their general, would by no means advance against them, moreover, would flee as far as possible. Learning of this, Mermeroes suddenly throws off the trick and appears before the Persians just as he was before. Immediately, with the greatest speed, having raised the whole army, skillfully overcoming the difficulties of the road described above, he approaches the fortification and already threatens the Romans, who could not defend themselves, struck by the unexpected turn of events. Then Martin decided to clear this point before Mermeroes completely penetrated inside and caused the Romans great harm. For how could they, being few in number, hold back the multitude of enemies and not be destroyed at the very first onslaught.

Thus deceived by the barbarians, performing the most shameful retreat, they hastened to join the rest of the troops. The army commanded by Bessas and Justin pitched camp in a place located not far from Telephis, only 7 stadia distant from it. There is nothing there except a potter's market, whence the name of the place. In Roman this place is called Ollaria — the same as in Greek Chitropolia. When many who had outstripped the others together with Martin were already in safety, all the generals decided, waiting for the enemy, to draw up there and oppose him, hindering his further advance. Among the most distinguished commanders was one named Theodore, originating from the tribe of the Tsani, but raised among the Romans, who had renounced his barbarian, albeit native, customs and adopted their higher culture. So this Theodore with his retinue (no less than 500 of his countrymen followed him) still remained at Telephis, as he had been ordered by Martin not to leave there until he saw all the advancing enemies and found out as far as possible their number, their mood and intentions.

21. He, being bold and capable of anything, carried out the mission and then, when he saw the multitude of Persians entering the fortification, and established that they would not stop there, but were possessed by the desire to fight, he immediately began to withdraw. Seeing on the way many of the Romans who were not hurrying to Chitropolia, as was prescribed to them, but breaking into the dwellings of the Laz, plundering there grain, spelt and other edible things, he tried to call them back, accusing them of recklessness, as not realizing what danger they were in. Those of them who were less greedy and dissolute, called to prudence, joined him and slowly retreated. Theodore, however, had no opportunity to timely inform the generals that Mermeroes threatened them. The Persians suddenly attacked some who had sold themselves to plunder, not stopping it and being outside the camp. Some of them were killed. Others fled headlong and suddenly burst into the camp with noise and lamentable cries, so that by the unexpectedness they threw everyone into confusion. The soldiers, immeasurably frightened, abandoned the camp. The commanders, however (the army had not yet been drawn up in battle order), fearing that the barbarians would attack the unprepared, abandoned their earlier decisions and did not know how to act. There was no time for clarification of the situation, nor did the very confusion of minds permit it. Therefore, moving from the plain and dragging the whole army with them, they began a shameful and disorderly retreat: the flight ceased only when they reached the Island. The Island is about 5 parasangs from Telephis. Such a day's march did these noble warriors accomplish in their hasty flight. A parasang, according to Herodotus and Xenophon, is 30 stadia, but among the Iberians and Persians it is only 21. The Laz also consider this, but by no means use this term, but use the term "rest," and in my opinion, rightly. For among them the porters, having gone one parasang, take off their burden and rest a little, while others relieve them in turn, and as many times as they do this, so many times they measure and divide the way. But however one may call the parasang, the Island is 150 stadia from the fortification. This place is strongly fortified and difficult to access, being surrounded by river currents. For the Phasis and Doconus, flowing down from the Caucasus Mountains in different channels and at first very far apart, here gradually draw closer together due to the change of terrain, being separated by a small space, so that the Romans, having dug a new channel and dammed the Phasis River, directed its flow into the Doconus. Thus, both these rivers join in the eastern part of the Island and surround the place. From here they divide, making various turns and bends, and encompass a large space. Passing further westward, they draw closer and almost merge, so that all they encompass forms an island. Here the Romans gathered.

22. Mermeroes, however, having come to Chitropolia, severely reproached his men for cowardice and disobedience and decided to move no further and not to attack the Island. For he could neither supply provisions to such an army in an enemy country, nor be ready for a siege. However, not considering it possible to return to Telephis because of the impassability there, he connected the banks of the Phasis with logs and boats specially prepared for this purpose, and having created a semblance of a bridge, led the whole army across without any hindrance. He placed the Persians in the fortification of Onoguris, which he had earlier built against the Romans in the vicinity of Archaeopolis, encouraged them, introduced other forces there, strengthened everything as best he could, and then returned to Cotaisium and Mochirisis. Stricken by illness and being in a difficult condition, he left the greater and strongest part of his army there to guard the territory; he himself withdrew to the country called Iberia. With difficulty brought to the city called Meskheta, Mermeroes, unable to bear the severity of the illness, here indeed died. He was a man of the greatest intelligence, who had become the most distinguished among the Persians, most experienced in military affairs, courageous in spirit. Being already elderly and long lame in both legs, he could not ride a horse, but he endured hardships like the strongest youth, and did not refuse any feats, often appeared in the ranks, carried on a litter, and thereby inspiring fear in the enemy and raising the spirit of his own. Managing everything properly, he won many victories. Thus, the gift of a general rests not on physical strength, but on prudence. Then the lifeless and naked body of Mermeroes was carried out of the city by his relatives and left, according to ancestral custom, to be torn apart by unclean dogs and birds that feed on corpses.

Book 3

2. In the twenty-fifth year of Khosrow's reign, when the war was being waged in the region of Colchis and Mermeroes died, the twenty-ninth year of the Emperor Justinian's rule over the Romans began. When Khosrow was informed of Mermeroes' death, he was naturally very grieved and troubled by this misfortune. And so that the army in Lazica would not remain without a leader, he immediately placed at its head Nahogaran, one of the most famous and noble of his men.

When he, having prepared everything necessary, set out on the road, a remarkable and shameful event occurred in Colchis. After the Romans, having given themselves over to shameful flight, as was said above, had left even part of their baggage for the enemy to plunder, Gubazes, king of the Laz, considered that such disgrace could not be tolerated, and fearing that something even more criminal might happen in the future, immediately informed Justinian of everything, accusing the commanders, placing all the blame on their folly, especially accusing Bessas, then Martin and Rusticus. This Rusticus by origin was a Helleno-Galatian. In the army he was not a strategos or taxiarch and in general had no military rank. He was only one of the officials of the imperial treasury, and came not from that department where public taxes were collected (this was entrusted to another), but from that department of the imperial treasury from which funds were sent to reward those who distinguished themselves in battle. Therefore this man did not play a secondary role, but was among the most authoritative people, so that military secrets were communicated to him, and the orders of the leaders were then only considered valid and to be carried out when it pleased him. Justinian had already been dissatisfied with Bessas. He should, after the capture of the fortress of Petra, before the arrival of Mermeroes, have blocked all the passes from Iberia as carefully as possible. He could from this side make the mountains of Lazica inaccessible to the barbarians. The very nature of the locality favored this. He, however, neglected all this through carelessness, being occupied with touring the cities entrusted to him and extorting money from them. Remembering this, when the new accusation reached him, Justinian easily believed it. Bessas was immediately deprived of power. His property was confiscated. He was sent to the country of the Abasgians and there was to remain awaiting further orders concerning him. He was very angry with Martin, but left him the supreme command. Among the commanders he was first, Justin second, Bouzes after him and then all the rest in order. And never before had Martin and Rusticus treated Gubazes sincerely, but a deep and cruel rivalry, barely concealed, blazed between them, although it had not yet burst into open fire. It began with envy and slander, and then was fanned and increased by constant and reckless suspicion. Viewing all his actions from a preconceived point of view and tormenting themselves with this, they nourished and strengthened the rivalry. Gubazes, knowing their hatred of him and suspicions, and provoked to reciprocal hatred, often called them cowards and boasters who did not care about serious matters. At drinking parties before interlocutors he persistently expressed his indignation, and if an embassy came to him from neighboring peoples, even then he did not conceal his attacks on them and kept silent about nothing. They, however, unable to bear this, angered by his denunciation to the emperor and thinking that he would not stop his denunciations if they made further mistakes, decided to remove Gubazes, to avenge the insults received and to free themselves from all apprehension for the future.

3. Having thoroughly discussed this matter among themselves, and finally coming to the conclusion that before killing him they should try to secure the emperor's consent, they send to Byzantium John, brother of Rusticus, to inform the emperor that Gubazes had been convicted of being well disposed toward Persia. So John, having obtained a secret audience with the emperor, slandered Gubazes as having already fallen away from the Romans, and asserted that he would soon surrender the entire country to the Persians, unless he were in some way prevented from doing so. The emperor was struck by this unexpected news, but did not believe it completely. Keeping to a middle course, he said: "See that this man is brought here." John, however, fearing that the slander would be exposed when he came, said: "It shall be done, lord. However, what should we do if he does not wish to come here voluntarily?" — "He must be compelled, as a subject," replied the emperor, "all means must be used to send him here." John immediately interrupted him: "If, being compelled, he resists, what then should be done with him?" — "What else but what is prescribed for a tyrant; let him perish a miserable death," replied the emperor. "Consequently," said John, "he who kills him has nothing to fear?" — "Nothing," replied the emperor, "if he perishes as an enemy in resistance and disobedience." Thus the emperor replied and wrote approximately the same to the commanders of the troops. John learned nothing more and, considering his wish fully satisfied, immediately returns to the Colchians, carrying this letter. Martin and Rusticus, having read the letter, decided that the matter was well prepared, and immediately set about carrying it out. So they summoned Justin and Bouzes, concealed their plan, and declared that they should go as soon as possible to Gubazes and discuss with him a joint campaign against the Persians at Onoguris. They believed and went together. They were accompanied by a small detachment of troops. When the unfortunate Gubazes learned that the commanders of the army were coming to him, suspecting no danger, he went out to meet them at the Chob River, carefree, fearing nothing, accompanied by a few of his men, and even those unarmed and not prepared for battle. For he was going to friends and relatives, not to enemies, to the defenders of the country against foreign enemies.

4. So all, sitting on horses, discussed affairs. Then Rusticus said: "You, Gubazes, must join our campaign against the Persians and take upon yourself part of our labors against those who occupy Onoguris. It is shameful to endure their presence within our country, especially when they are extremely few in number and cannot compete with us." Gubazes replied: "You alone, good men, must work at this, since you alone are the authors of what happened. For if you had not been struck by some sudden drowsiness and laxity in conducting affairs, neither would this fortification have been surrounded by a wall, nor would you have been overtaken by such shameful and disgraceful flight, and in general nothing unworthy would have happened. Now, if you, as you say, desire glory, and if you have thoughts worthy of commanders, this service crime must be corrected by you yourselves. I will never follow you nor take part in the war, until all that you have neglected is corrected by you." As soon as this was said, as if this objection were a sign of falling away to the side of the Persians, of an obvious and conscious striving for tyranny, the aforementioned John, who had come as a messenger of evil, immediately drew a dagger, struck Gubazes in the chest, but not yet mortally. He, whose both legs hung from the horse, immediately fell to the ground, not so much, I think, from the force of the blow, as from the unexpectedness. One of Rusticus's doryphoroi, carrying out the order, with a sword blow to the head finally finished him off, as he was struggling on the ground and trying to get up. Thus was Gubazes killed for the reasons mentioned, as the most informed people tell. Justin and Bouzes, of course, grieved and were indignant, considering what had happened a terrible crime. However, they remained silent, thinking that this was the execution of a definite order from Justinian. Yet the whole army of the Laz was seized with great indignation and grief, so that henceforth they did not wish either to join the Romans or to fight together with them. Having buried the slain according to their rite, they took no part in the war, considering themselves grievously insulted and having lost their ancestral glory.

5. The Laz are a very numerous and warlike people. They rule over many other tribes. Proud of the old name of Colchians, they exalt themselves beyond measure and, perhaps, not without reason. Among the peoples under foreign rule, I have seen no other so famous, so blessed with abundance of riches, multitude of subjects, convenient geographical position, abundance of necessary products, decency and straightforwardness of morals. However, in ancient times the inhabitants [of Lazica] were completely unacquainted with the benefits brought by the sea, they had not even heard the name of a ship, until the famous [ship] Argo arrived there. At present, however, the Colchians make sea voyages, when possible, and derive profit from trade. They, finally, can by no means be called barbarians and they do not live so, but by intercourse with the Romans they have been brought to civility and lawful order. So that if one sets aside the "bronze bulls" [of legend], the birth of men from the earth and other fabulous and incredible tales invented by poets about Aeetes, the present state of affairs there can be recognized as much better than before. Such are the Laz. Naturally, they considered that an unbearable insult had been inflicted on them, that they had been unjustly deprived of their king. The Romans, however, at the instigation of Martin, prepared immediately to attack the Persians with all their might, besieging Onoguris. This locality received its name in ancient times, when, in all probability, the Huns, called Onogurs, fought with the Colchians in this very place and were defeated, and this name was given by the natives as a monument and trophy. Now, however, most call it not so, but by the name of the church of St. Stephen built here, who, they say, was the first to undergo a voluntary contest for those devoted to Christianity, and was stoned by his opponents. But I think nothing will prevent us from using the old name, which is more fitting for history. And so, the Roman army was preparing for a campaign against Onoguris. The chief perpetrators of the murder especially insisted on this, hoping easily to capture this fortification, and also that the emperor, even learning of their deception, would not be very angry with them, and that their final success would remove from them all accusation. So the commanders and the armies, having pitched camp in Archaeopolis, prepared the so-called testudo and machines for hurling huge stones and other similar instruments for storming walls, if necessary. The testudo is a structure woven from twigs, with a roof, impenetrable due to the frequency of the twigs, covering the people entering it from all sides. From above and from all sides, the structure is covered with hides to make it stronger and protect it from spears. The people inside, however, being in safety, imperceptibly move it wherever they wish. When it is moved up to the tower or wall, those inside dig the ground and, removing it, expose the foundation, and then, continuously working with crowbars and hammers, they undermine and loosen the base. Thus the Romans prepared for the siege.

6. At this time, one Persian, who was making his way into the fortification, was captured by Justin's squires. Brought to the camp and flogged, he was forced to tell the truth about his plans and showed that Nahogaran had already arrived in Iberia. He was sent by him to encourage the army stationed there with the news that the general would soon arrive. He said that the Persians at Mochirisis and Cotaisium would soon arrive to help their compatriots. They already knew of our [the Romans'] advance. When this was said, the Roman commanders immediately began to deliberate on the situation. Bouzes proposed that with the whole army they should go to meet the advancing enemy. Being few in number, they would probably be defeated, and then, undoubtedly, those in the fortification would surrender very quickly, being deprived of help. Even if they resisted, they would be crushed without any difficulty. This proposal pleased even Uligangus, the leader of the Heruls. He often repeated a saying, barbarian and simple, but sensible and useful, that one must first crush the bees, and then conveniently gather the honey. Rusticus, however, who had become self-confident and insolent, as I think, because of his crime and because his collusion with Martin gave him spirit, heaped open ridicule and verbal insults on Bouzes, saying that he had never given sensible advice. He considered it best never to subject the army to unnecessary toil. They should attack the fortification with all their might and capture it without great difficulty, and thus forestall the enemy from outside; a small detachment, if necessary, should be sent against the enemy to delay the speed of their advance. Of course, Bouzes' plan was much better and more in accordance both with the situation and the best method of military art, and combined enterprise with safety. But since, probably, all were implicated in the crime, having joined and followed the criminals, the worse and more harmful opinion prevailed, so that punishment might immediately follow. Against the Persians advancing from Mochirisis, no more than 600 horsemen were sent. They were commanded by Dabratez and Usigardus, both barbarians by origin, but placed at the head of Roman cohorts. All the rest, together with their leaders, having approached the fortification, immediately set to work. Having moved up the machines, they attempted to break down the gates and, surrounding the walls with the whole multitude, hurled spears. The Persians, however, sheltering behind the battlements, with all their might repelled them, as the situation required, showering the Romans with stones and holding the outer fortifications. Suspending fabrics from above and covering themselves with them, they thus weakened the force of the blows, which were everywhere deflected by them. Both sides fought with the greatest enthusiasm and fierceness. It seemed more like a battle than a siege, so great was the military enthusiasm and display of military feats on both sides. Some fought for their lives, which were in no small danger, while others considered it shameful to leave without result, since an attack had already been made, without taking the fortification, without freeing Archaeopolis from the enemy's proximity.

7. At this time, another detachment of Persians — three thousand well-trained horsemen — advancing from Cotaisium and Mochirisis, approached Onoguris. They moved carelessly, expecting no hostile action against themselves. Suddenly, Dabragez and Usigardus with their horsemen fell upon them and immediately put them to flight, disorganized by the sudden attack. When this became known to the Romans besieging the fortress, they began to storm with greater ardor. The coverings were pulled down from the walls and, without any order, crossing the walls in many places, they scattered about the fortification, hoping for easy plunder, since the external enemy had been driven off and no one threatened them from within. But those coming to the rescue, as soon as they learned that not all the Roman army had attacked them, that only a few, moreover rather scouts than real soldiers, suddenly, raising a loud shout, rushed [at the Romans]. They, not enduring such a turn, passed to defense, and then turned to hasty flight. The Persians pursued them at close range.

It happened that while some strove to seize, others tried to escape. At the same time, both those who fled and those who pursued relentlessly, together ran up to the rest of the Roman troops. When a loud shout arose, the whole Roman army, abandoning the siege and the fortress, which was considered almost taken, together with the commanders, took to flight, not having time to stop even long enough to understand what had happened, to learn the number of the fleeing and the pursuers, but all rushed headlong in disorderly flight, as if seized by insane panic. The Persians, emboldened by this, pursued the fugitives even more fiercely. Those in the fortress (they saw what was happening), immediately coming out from there, joined the rest of the Persians in pursuing the Romans and made their flight even more precipitate. Of course, all the Roman cavalry in its swift flight easily escaped the blows of spears. Of the infantry, however, many were killed, held up on the bridge of the river called the Pure, which they had to cross. For there, due to the narrowness, it was impossible for a large number of people to cross at the same time. They pushed each other, and some drowned in the river's current, while others, pushed back, fell into the hands of the enemy. Groans were heard from all sides, and perhaps the whole army would have been annihilated, if the commander Bouzes, hearing the cries and lamentations and seeing the magnitude of the danger, had not turned back with his retinue and, advancing against the barbarians, checked their onslaught until the Roman troops, with difficulty crossing the bridge, reached a safe place and joined the rest. In the former camp, which they had pitched near Archaeopolis, no one remained, but in fear they ran through it, left there all the baggage, the most necessary items and items of great value, and hid within the country, delivering to the enemy not only a glorious and loud, but also a very profitable victory.

8. For they, finding the place devoid of men, destroyed the rampart, plundered everything that was in the camp, and joyfully returned back, again occupying their old places. It became quite clear that divine vengeance for the impious murder had struck the Roman army, which chose the worst plan of action and, numbering no less than 50 thousand experienced soldiers, fled so shamefully before three thousand Persians, suffering moreover heavy losses. Moreover, the perpetrators of the crime themselves, after a short time, suffered the severest punishment, as we shall tell further. When winter came, the whole army was distributed among the cities and fortifications where it was ordered. Meanwhile, the position of the Colchians was extremely confused and unclear, as the most distinguished among them were at a loss what to do and where to turn.

Therefore, they gathered most of the people in a secret place in one of the gorges of the Caucasus, so that their plans would not become known to the Romans, and held a council on the question of whether they should go over to the Persians or remain still under Roman rule. Immediately, many proposals were rejected, some calling for one thing, others for another. An indescribable and disorderly clamor arose, so that one could not even make out who was speaking and what was being said. Then their leaders called the crowd to silence and proposed that those who wished, whoever they might be, should come forward and present in order what should be done.
One of the most distinguished men among them, named Aietes, who more painfully than all bore this crime and was more indignant at it than all, generally was always a hater of the Romans and well disposed toward the Persians, using such a fine opportunity, tried to exaggerate the significance of this event beyond all measure. He asserted that the present situation needed no discussion at all. They should immediately and quite openly go over to the Persians. Others argued that they should not so suddenly change their whole way of life, but should consider this question more carefully and adopt the best decision.

He, however, stepping forward in anger, spoke as is usually done at popular assemblies. He was a more skilled orator than befits barbarians. The arguments that an orator could adduce were reinforced by the justice of the cause. And he spoke as follows:

9. "If the Romans had insulted us in words or intentions, it would be just that we too should avenge the insult in like manner. But now how can we endure that they have caused us such a terrible evil, and we, instead of avenging the insult upon them, waste time in delays and deliberations? No one can say that the enemies are not convicted by deeds and events themselves; but one cannot say that they only intended this and held it in mind. There is no need to adduce any reasons to prove their secret and hidden machinations. For such a distinguished man as Gubazes was put to death in the most miserable manner, like one of the many and despised. The old dignity of the Colchians has withered, and henceforth we must think no longer of ruling over others, but we should be content if we are not too oppressed by those who were once our subjects. Is it not an absurd thing to sit and discuss whether we shall regard them as bitterest enemies or friends, when we should know that their insolence will not stop at this, but if we forgive this insult, they will not stop there; if we remain quiet, they will insult us even more fearlessly, for they have always been cruel to their subjects and accustomed to despise their clients. Even their king they have the most cunning, who always delights in changes in the existing order. Therefore the crime was committed so quickly. He insisted on it, they quickly and readily carried it out. We have been devastated almost on their account; we gave them no cause for any offense; there was no cause for enmity. But they committed the most shameful and cruelest crime against us, treating us as before, as if suddenly and simultaneously showing us all kinds of evil: cruelty, madness, hatred and the like. The Persians, however, have not such morals. There is a great difference. If they once acquire friends, they always show the greatest friendliness toward them. Toward the enemy they show the greatest hatred as long as the enemy remains an enemy. How I wish that the state of the Colchians had its former strength, so that it needed no foreign and alien help, but itself satisfied its needs in all cases — in peace and in war.

Now, however, whether because of the difference of time, or because of the hostility of fate, or for both reasons, we have come to such weakness that we are subject to others, I would consider it best to submit to those who are more reasonable, who preserve friendship to their own and fidelity to treaties. Thus we shall get rid of those who are our real enemies; the crime they committed will not remain unpunished, and at the same time we shall provide for our safety in the future. For their cunning and flattering manners, which they exhibit with deceptive gentleness and pretended courtesy, in order to deceive the credulous and then insult them, will prove superfluous and vain. They will be deprived of all possibility of such actions against us, since we, because of enmity, will have broken off all relations with them and will openly separate from them. And if they attempt to begin a war against us, and if they have to meet simultaneously the Laz and the Persians and moreover in an enemy country, they will not withstand the first onslaught. Recently, only with all their army they were immediately turned to the most shameful flight by a small detachment of Persians and still have not recovered from that flight and, defeated, so to speak, in everything, by the speed of their flight alone they conquered the Persians pursuing them.

10. The clear and most probable reason for this, as everyone will say, is the cowardice and depravity of their plans. For dishonor is inherent in them as a characteristic and innate quality. And when to innate vices is added voluntary crime, it doubles the calamity of those perishing by the will of divine providence as an expiatory sacrifice for the crime committed, for victory is established not so much by weapons as by piety, and I believe that never will criminal and impure people receive divine help."

If we are wise, we cannot join those who do not even have sound reason and to whom he is hostile from whose hand the fate of all depends. Thus it has been shown openly and moreover rather by deeds than by words that our transition to the Persians will be easy, very advantageous for us, and above all pleasing to God. And we shall not appear unfaithful and acting unjustly. For even before this, we were very often insulted by the Romans. However, we considered it necessary to remain at the old state of affairs, considering it good for nothing to make changes on any occasions that arise, even if they were very important, but still were bearable and not so completely intolerable. But now, when we have been struck by extraordinary and irreparable calamities, to bear this easily without any grief, not to be offended by such base and cruel deeds — this is the property not of prudent men, but of timid and pitiable men, who under the pretext of restraint cover their indifference to public affairs. No greater cruelty, I think, will anyone even of strangers point out, and one cannot neglect what has been done. Therefore we too cannot neglect it, and it will be our dishonor if we are seen forgetting our king and serving his murderers.

"And if it could happen that he were present here, he would undoubtedly call upon you and hotly reproach you for your faint-heartedness, that these criminals are still in his land, and not driven out of it long ago. But since he will not appear and will not call upon you, in your own souls imagine that he is among you and, standing among you, shows his wounds — both his chest and his head — and calls upon his people at least now to avenge the enemy. Therefore, who among you can doubt and deliberate whether it is just for the Colchians to feel compassion for Gubazes? If we fear whether our transition to the Persians will be just, we shall have to fear being implicated in the crime, abandoning him and neglecting vengeance for his murder. We shall be considered more faithless if during his life we showed him such friendship, and after his death we even lost memory of him. Of course, when affairs go well, it would be great madness to change old institutions, but when affairs are quite otherwise, I would consider it disastrous not to be able to adapt oneself quickly to circumstances. Constancy must be judged by deeds that accord with reason. To preserve the present state of affairs is not always praiseworthy, but only when it is consonant with reason. When, however, something happens that cannot be neglected and that it is not proper to cast aside, the criminal is rather he who clings to the old and persists in it, than he who passes to the new. When the Persians hear this from us and understand it, they will justly treat us in a friendly manner and will fight for us, since they are equally humane and magnanimous, able to adapt well to the customs of neighbors, and especially, taking into voluntary alliance a country so conveniently situated geographically, and so significant an army, which they would wish to have at great expense and effort. So think of nothing else, but immediately let us proceed to the deed itself and accomplish what we have planned. Thus we shall achieve the greatest glory, having done what is right and just, capable only of bringing benefit."

11. When Aietes said this, immediately the whole crowd rose up with a shout and demanded that very day to go over to the Persians, although they had not been informed of this, and they themselves were not prepared enough to hide what had happened from the Romans or to repel them if they tried to prevent the transition. Without any care for the future, nor for what this enterprise would cost, the crowd disorderly demanded a speedy decision. For it is generally characteristic and innate to the crowd to seek novelty and rejoice in changes. These, however, were greatly excited and irritated not only as barbarians, but especially because they considered the change just and were delighted by Aietes' speech, which still more excited and agitated them. While they were thus clamoring, one man by the name of Phartazes calmed their excitement, a man enjoying exceptional authority among the Colchians, prudent and moderate, very popular. He restrained their ardor, begging them not to decide this matter before they heard him.

With difficulty brought to calm by the authority of his name, they remained in their places, and he, coming forward to the middle, spoke as follows: "We have experienced nothing new, Colchians, excited by the force of a fine speech. For eloquence is an invincible force. It acts upon all, especially upon those who have never before been subjected to its influence. But it is not so for those who can resist it by wise reasoning arising from consideration of the essence of the matter. Therefore do not approve what was said. It seems plausible only because of the unexpectedness and strangeness of what was said, and not because of its usefulness and correctness. Understand better that even if these words were very pleasing to you, you can choose better. The best evidence of deceit let the very manner of easy persuasion be. Only he who wishes to advise falsehood needs more adornment and variety of speech, so that by the beauty of speech he may rather entice simple souls. Listening to these attractive but deceptive arguments of Aietes, you do not understand how you are being deceived. It should be clear to everyone, if not other things, at least that he from the very beginning put [on the agenda] another question, entirely alien to that for which we have assembled. For example, when you all say that there is nothing more terrible than what has happened and in every way condemn this murder, and discuss solely the question of whether those accused of Gubazes' murder are truly guilty, he bypassed their accusation and spent many words on what is already known. I too consider accursed, hateful to God, and would gladly see perish by the cruelest punishment not only the direct murderers who committed the crime with their own hands, but also all those who allowed the crime to be committed, although they could have prevented it, moreover, all those who rejoiced at it, all those who did not grieve over it.

But if I admit this, I by no means admit the usefulness of going over to the Persians. And let no one consider it prudent and consistent that if a crime has been committed against us, we too should sell our ancestral laws; if we are irritated by treachery, it does not follow that we should adopt such methods. And now we cannot undo what has happened and been done; we must not think that we, discussing affairs with a soul seized with anger and indignation, may not unwisely obscure our judgment, depriving ourselves of the possibility of a more sane and reasonable decision. For it is the property of the rash to be constantly agitated and tormented by the past. The property of wise men, however, is to study the unexpectedness of fate, not to be disturbed by unexpected changes, so that, having lost something in the past, they may not lose hope for the future.

12. But this counselor, who has long been well disposed to the Persians and strives by all means that we should go over to them, tries to frighten us like children, namely [by asserting] that the Romans will not be satisfied with what they have dared to do against us, but will strike us with even more cruel calamities, and that their king constantly desires innovations, that he is the chief participant and instigator of the long-planned and prepared murder, and, saying this, extols the Persians with wonderful praises, hoping that he will persuade us by this method to become petitioners and voluntary deserters to those who are by nature our greatest enemy. To this single end he strives, this he has planned from the beginning, and, striving to accomplish what he has carefully thought out and rashly counsels, he violates and confuses the order of discussion, making discussion useless. Decision is usually preceded by discussion, which examines things not sufficiently clear. And only when it has been established what must be done, is the presence of both will and determination to accomplish what has been planned and resolved necessary. This man, however, makes the end the beginning, already resolving before the question has been considered. For what profit will there be from discussion if it follows the decision? You, Colchians, proceed to discussion without any preconceived thought and without adhering to any prejudiced opinion. How can one overcome the vicissitudes of fate and direct events toward the desired goal? One must use another method, think of one's affairs without any prejudice and freely, carefully weigh all circumstances in order to adopt the most deliberate decision, arising from the essence of the matter. If we reason thus, it will immediately become clear to us that neither the Roman armies, nor their commanders, nor least of all the emperor himself, plotted against Gubazes. For it is well known and established among them that Rusticus and Martin, envying his fortune, were seized with personal malice, and the other leaders not only did not assist them, but even painfully suffered what had happened. It is disgraceful and moreover useless because of the guilt of one or, perhaps, two, to boldly violate the public laws which we are accustomed to observe, so easily to change our whole way of life, to which we are so well accustomed, to represent ourselves as traitors and deserters to those who stand guard over our country, that we may live peacefully and securely, and finally, what is most impious, to renounce the true religion and the sacred mysteries. For this will inevitably happen if we go over to the side of the bitterest enemies of the divine name. If they forbid us to remain faithful to our faith, they will compel us to adopt theirs; what could be more terrible than this for us, alike for the living and the dead? For what profit shall we gain if we add to ourselves (let us suppose it to be so) all Persia, but destroy our souls? But even if they make concession and permit [the preservation of religion], no lasting friendliness from them toward us will exist, but it will be uncertain and not direct, measured by profit alone.

For there can never be firm fellowship between those who adhere to different religious beliefs. In the absence of intimidation and profit, constant and firm fidelity is preserved only in agreement of views. Even relatives, intimates and countrymen, if deprived of unity of views, enjoy only the name of friendship, while in reality toward each other they are entirely strangers. So, Colchians, with what good hope shall we go over to the Persians, if they inevitably prove to be our enemies, and nothing better will result for us from this, except that we shall be the more easily oppressed by them, since it is much harder to guard against a hidden enemy than an open one. Further, if you will, let us suppose that everything is as [Aietes says], that this does not contradict justice or honor, and let us consider that the morals of the Persians are constant and faithful, that they will always preserve treaties and agreements. But even if this is present and we have no other obstacle, still our forces are insufficient for this enterprise. Indeed, how shall we go over to them when the Romans threaten us and moreover so numerous and powerful, having the most distinguished leaders? How shall we escape the most cruel retribution, when those who are to come to our aid will delay far away in Iberia or move slowly from there, while those who will carry out the retribution occupy the whole country and dwell in our cities?

13. Although this noble man says that they will not withstand even our first attack, using as an argument what recently happened, who does not know the accidents of war and that it by no means proceeds in a definite order! And evil fate will not always pursue those who are now conducting their affairs very badly. On the contrary, victory often passes to the defeated and corrects the vicissitudes of fate. Therefore it is not fitting for us to be overly self-confident, as if it were already predetermined for them in accordance with their rights and habits to suffer defeat in all battles. If they have been defeated only because they acted not as they should, then this example should be turned to our advantage and the dangers arising from rash decisions should be prevented. Thus, from previous cases we cannot assure ourselves of certain victory over them. It is plausible that those who erred before, taught by experience itself what to avoid, will conduct their affairs hereafter with greater care and will correct what was previously neglected and overlooked. If, however, God is hostile to them for the crime committed, and for this they suffer calamities, why should we interfere and offer him our assistance, as if he himself would not execute justice and as if he needed our help? What a great example of dishonor will remain for others, if we insult by our defection the highest good, which even in our calm protects us properly. Let no one show us the dead Gubazes, appearing among us with faint-hearted speeches and begging his countrymen to take pity on him, showing the wounds inflicted on him. This may perhaps suit effeminate, depraved souls, but by no means befits a king, moreover a king of the Laz, and especially Gubazes. For if he were indeed present among us, as a pious and right-minded man, he would undoubtedly severely condemn us for such designs and would give us the injunction not to lose heart so and not to fall into weakness, not to hide secretly like slaves, but to oppose misfortune courageously, adhering rather to the Colchian way of thinking, free from prejudice, and not allowing anything shameful, unworthy of ancestral manners, to remain in the present [order], to be convinced that divine help will never abandon the Colchian people. Therefore is it not the height of folly [that fact that] while he, violently slain, would undoubtedly teach us thus, we, in order to show our affection for him, think the very opposite? I fear that we may be subjected to the greatest punishment already for discussing and contemplating such plans. Finally, if we were planning a defection in a doubtful matter, admitting of different decisions, even then it would be risky in matters of such importance to depend on chance, but then it would be permissible for the creators of this plan to speak more freely and shamelessly. But if the depravity of this counsel and the calamities arising from it are clear and evident to all, are not those who push you onto this path worthy of your hatred? Therefore one must refrain from all this, and this is moderately said. I think, however, that what has happened should be communicated to the emperor and we should ask him justly to punish the chief authors of this crime. If he wishes to do this, our strife with the Romans will immediately cease, and our old and customary brotherhood with them in toils and campaigns will be renewed. If he refuses our request, then only should we discuss whether it is not more profitable for us to enter upon another path. If we do so, we cannot be considered forgetful of the slain Gubazes, and at the same time we shall not prove to be acting rather rashly than by calculation."

14. When this was said, the Colchians, as the saying goes, sang a palinode and changed their decision. In particular, they were prompted to this by the fear of losing the true worship and faith, if they defected to the Persians. After Phartazes' opinion prevailed, the best and noblest of the Colchian people were immediately chosen to inform the Emperor Justinian of what had been done to Gubazes, to reveal to him the whole deceit, namely, that he had never been a supporter of the Persian party, had never undertaken anything against the Romans. Martin and Rusticus, however, had raised this slander against him because he had often reproached them for many mistakes committed through laziness and recklessness, and had killed an innocent man. They asked that this satisfaction be given to the soul of the slain man. They said nothing else but that he should not leave this crime unavenged, and that he should not appoint some foreigner and alien as their king, but Tsates, the younger brother of Gubazes, who at that time was in Byzantium, so that their ancestral laws and the continuous, unbroken succession of the royal throne from ancient times might be restored. The emperor recognized their request as right and just. He very quickly satisfied their request and sent Athanasius, one of the first members of the senate, for a thorough investigation of the crime and judgment according to Roman laws.

He, having arrived in Lazica, immediately sent Rusticus to the city of Asparunt and kept him there confined in the local prison. John, however, who had deceived the emperor, had become one of the chief participants in the crime and was trying secretly to flee and seek safety in flight, on the way met by chance Metrianus. He was one of the imperial doryphoroi, whom they call scribones. He was sent there to assist Athanasius and to carry out his instructions. Having seized John, Metrianus presented him to the judge, who also sent him to Asparunt, where he was kept in prison in chains, until the conclusion of the trial that had begun.

15. As soon as spring began, Nahogaran arrived in Mochirisis and immediately began to gather troops and with all care to prepare for war. Likewise, the Romans, gathered around the Island, prepared themselves, and the denouement was naturally delayed. Then their greatest care was to prepare everything necessary for the war. Already Tsates had arrived from Byzantium with Soterichus, having received the royal dignity and his insignia from the Roman emperor according to ancient custom. These insignia consisted of a golden crown set with precious stones, and a tunic embroidered with gold, falling to the heels, purple boots and a mitre, likewise adorned with gold and precious stones. The purple chlamys, however, it is not permitted for the kings of the Laz to wear. Only a white one is permitted, but not ordinary. In the middle on both sides it gleams with gold embroidery, with the imperial fibula on the chlamys, adorned with precious stones and other ornaments hanging down. When Tsates entered his country in royal attire, the commanders and all the Roman army, coming out to greet him, received him with due honors. They went before him, magnificently armed, mostly on horseback. The Laz, with difficulty leaving their grief, turning to joy, escorted him, relieving one another. Trumpets sounded from all sides; banners waved high. And the triumph was brilliant, proud and more festive than is usual in the kingdom of the Laz. Tsates, having come to power, took the guidance in his hands and governed his people as he wished and as ancestral custom required. The commander Soterichus, however, departed on the way appointed to him. For he brought imperial money to distribute to neighboring barbarians as an imperial subsidy. This distribution was carried out annually from ancient times. The elder sons Philagrius and Romilus followed him, so that immediately on leaving the domestic setting they might accustom themselves to proportionate labors, since they had already reached maturity and were capable of work. The third of them, Eustratius, was left in Byzantium, as he was still very young and moreover of weak physique. When Soterichus came to the country of the Misimiani, they were subjects of the king of the Colchians, as were the Apsilians. But their language is different, as are their customs. They live, however, north of the people of the Apsilians and somewhat to the east. So when he came to them, they were occupied with discussing his intention to hand over one of their fortifications, located on the very borders of the Laz, which they call Buchloon, to the Alans, so that envoys of more distant peoples, gathering there, might receive subsidies and that it might no longer be necessary for the one bringing the money to go around the foothills of the Caucasus Mountains and go to them himself.

16. When the Misimiani either learned or only suspected this, they sent to him two of their most distinguished men, named Chada and Tuanus. They find him stopping near the fortification itself. Their suspicions were further strengthened. They said: "You wish to wrong us, commander. It is not fitting for you to allow others to take what is ours, nor yourself to wish this. If, however, you have no such intention, leave here as soon as possible and choose for yourself another place of abode. You will not lack necessary provisions: we shall supply everything. Here, however, you cannot stay by any means, and we will not allow you to linger and remain here."

Soterichus thought that such bold words could by no means be tolerated. Considering that it was not permissible to allow subjects of the Colchians, who obey the Romans, to rage thus against the Romans, he ordered his bodyguards to beat them with the rods which they carried. They treated them cruelly and released them half dead. Having done this, Soterichus remained there, thinking that no harm would come of it and that he had nothing to fear, as if he had subjected his criminal slaves to corporal punishment, and then, when night fell, he carelessly went to sleep, without posting any guards. Likewise his sons, companions, household servants and slaves following him, all more carelessly than was fitting in an enemy country, gave themselves up to sleep. Meanwhile, the Misimiani, unable to bear the insult received, armed themselves, fell upon them and, breaking into the chamber where the commander was sleeping, immediately killed the sleeping slaves. When, naturally, a great cry and noise arose, the consciousness of the disaster reached Soterichus and the others who were there. When they, in fear, leaped from their beds, still heavy and weakened by sleep, they were utterly unable to defend themselves. Some had their legs wrapped in skins, which hindered movement. Others, rushing for their swords to take part in the confused struggle, helplessly rushed about in the darkness, not knowing what to do, and bumped into walls, having forgotten where they had put their weapons. Some, despairing of the calamity that had befallen them, undertook nothing at all, but only called to one another and uttered lamentable cries, not knowing what to do. While they were in such a state, the barbarians who had broken in hacked to pieces Soterichus himself and his children, and all the rest; except those who perhaps escaped by chance through the back door or in some other way. When the criminals had done this, they plundered the fallen and all the property they had brought with them, and moreover the imperial treasury, having dealt with [Soterichus and his retinue] as with real enemies, not friends and masters.

17. When, after the perpetration of this cruel murder and the execution of the criminal plan, their heated passions subsided and their anger cooled, then, having considered what they had done, they began to reflect and understood what a lot they had cast, namely, that in the near future the Romans would come for vengeance, and they would not be able to withstand their attack.

Therefore, openly revolting [from the Romans], they went over to the Persians and sent an embassy, seeking that they should take them under their protection and immediately give them help as their subjects. This news, reported to the Roman commanders, aroused in them anger and the greatest grief. But they could not immediately avenge themselves on the Misimiani, absorbed by even more important cares, since Nahogaran was already leading 60 thousand armed men to the Island, which at that time was occupied by Martin and Justin, son of Germanus. The mercenaries from the Huns, whom they call Sabirs (with the Romans there was a detachment — about two thousand heavily armed, commanded by Baimachus, Cutilzis and Ilager, the most famous men among them), encamped at Archaeopolis and the adjacent localities, to disturb as usual the enemies who, as was supposed, were to pass here, and to make their crossing difficult and more dangerous. Nahogaran, however, after he learned that the Sabirs occupied these places, immediately sent against them a detachment of three thousand, chosen from the auxiliary Dailamite troops, with the instruction — he was arrogant and boastful — to destroy them all and not leave them in his rear when he went into battle. The Dailamites are a very numerous tribe, dwelling near the Persian country, on the middle course of the Tigris River. They can be counted among the most warlike peoples. They are not archers or those fighting from afar. They carry a spear and sarissae, a sword hanging from the shoulder, a small dagger attached to the left hand, and defend themselves with large and small shields. They cannot be called either lightly armed or hoplites and heavy-armed troops. In case of need, they hurl spears from afar and fight hand-to-hand. They are good in collision with the enemy phalanx and by strong onslaught can break through dense enemy ranks, experienced in the reordering of battle order and in adapting to any eventuality. They easily climb high hills, occupy heights and with the greatest speed, if necessary, flee back and, turning again, with ferocity press and pursue the enemy. Experienced and very skilled in all kinds of military operations, they inflict very heavy blows on enemies. Long accustomed to war, they have long fought under the standard of the Persians, but not by compulsion, as subjects. For they live freely according to their own laws and are not accustomed to submit to violence and the caprice of anyone.

18. So this detachment of Dailamites, as night fell, advanced against the Sabirs, preferring to attack them while still asleep and thus more easily to destroy them all. And I believe they would not have been mistaken in their hope, if fate had not deceived them. As they were going on this campaign, by chance in the darkness and solitude they met a Colchian. They eagerly seized him and forced him to become a guide to the Sabirs. He fulfilled this task very willingly and walked before them. When, however, he reached a dense forest, he gradually gathered courage and separated from them. He managed to escape pursuit. Having warned the enemy, he quickly reached the Sabirs and found them all lying on the ground and fast asleep. "O unhappy ones," he shouted loudly and shrilly, "you are about to perish!" When they with difficulty awoke, he announced to them that the enemy was about to fall upon them. They, with noise, leaped up, armed themselves, went out beyond the stockade fortifications and, dividing into two parts, set an ambush, leaving unguarded the entrance to the camp enclosure, as well as the huts built of stakes and hides. The Dailamites, however, having made a huge detour because of unfamiliarity with the locality, nevertheless before dawn reached the camp of the Huns. Confident to their misfortune [that they were not expected], they burst into the camp, gather inside and, advancing silently, without any noise, so that the Huns might not guess and rise, begin to hurl spears at their shelters and huts, expecting to kill the sleeping and already considering the matter finished. Meanwhile, the Sabirs, rushing out from two sides from the ambush, suddenly fall upon them. They, struck by this sudden unexpected blow, when their hopes were turned to despair, thrown into disorder, did not know what to do. For it was not easy for them, crowded together in a small space, to escape. They could not clearly recognize who their enemies were, since they had to struggle with both night and fear. Therefore, they were immediately destroyed by the Sabirs, not even offering an attempt at resistance. Eight hundred men perished in the camp. The rest, with difficulty getting out of it, wandered about in disorder, not knowing where to go. It seemed to them that they had fled far: in reality, however, having made a circle, they returned back and fell into the hands of the enemy. So passed the whole night. In the morning, when it dawned, the surviving Dailamites, recognizing the road, dashed straight to the Persian camp, while the Sabirs even now did not cease to pursue them and press upon them from behind.
Meanwhile, the commander Babas, who had long commanded the Roman troops in Colchis, at this time was spending the night in Archaeopolis and, when the confusion began and shouts were heard all around, not knowing what was happening, but preserving his composure, silently remained within. When, however, the sun illuminated the peaks of the mountains, he quickly understood what was happening, namely, that the Sabirs were driving the Dailamites. Then he too, rushing out of the fortification with the detachment that happened to be at hand, inflicted no small slaughter upon them, so that barely a thousand reached Nahogaran.

19. The latter, having failed in his undertaking, immediately directed his course to the Island and, having pitched camp near the Romans, summoned Martin for a parley. When he appeared, he said: "You, commander, are a very shrewd and prudent man. You are one of those who possess the greatest power among the Romans. Do you not wish to free each of our sovereigns simultaneously from toils and from enmity? If, therefore, you wish to conclude a truce and a peace treaty, then cross with your army to Trapezus, the city of Pontica. We Persians, however, will remain here. Thanks to this, we shall without haste, peacefully negotiate the truce and peace, using faithful mediators. If, however, you do not voluntarily withdraw the army from here, know, good man, that you will be driven out by force. For I consider victory assured. I hold it in my hands just as I hold this thing." Saying this, he showed the ring he wore. Martin in reply said: "I too greatly desire and value peace and will help to carry out your proposal. But I think we should achieve this better if you were to cross over to Iberia as soon as possible. I, however, will return to Mochirisis, and then we shall carefully discuss our affairs. You can speak of victory boastfully and arrogantly, consider it venal, easily acquired, dependent on our discretion. I, however, consider that victory depends on the one God, and it is given not to the proud and overly self-confident, but to those to whom it is given by the common creator and governor." When Martin, offended by the arrogance, gave this reply with great energy and dignity, without having agreed on peace, they broke off negotiations. One returned to the camp, Martin to the Island. Nahogaran, thinking that he could by no means remain there, decided to approach the city of Phasis and there rather force the Romans to battle. He considered this fortification very easy to take, as it was all built of wood, and the surrounding vast plains were convenient for pitching camp. That the city of Phasis is named after the river, I think everyone knows well. This river flows near the city and flows into the Euxine Sea. The city is located on the sea coast and at the mouth. It is about six parasangs west of the Island.
20. Therefore, immediately in the dead of night, having launched on the river boats brought on wagons and tied them together, Nahogaran secretly from the Romans built a bridge and crossed the whole army to the opposite bank. He wished to reach the southern part of the city, where the waters of the Phasis seemed by no means to hinder his approach to the wall, for this river inclines to the north and flows [into the sea]. Moving away from the river, as soon as it began to dawn, Nahogaran continued on his way. Having gone around the Island as far as possible, Nahogaran moved on his way.

The Romans, learning of the advance about noon, were extremely disturbed by this and tried with all their might to forestall the enemy under the walls of the city. Therefore, having filled all the triremes and light thirty-oared vessels that were in the port, they quickly sped down the river. But Nahogaran forestalled them. Having reached the middle of the river between the Island and the city, he blocked the whole river with logs and boats connected together, and behind placed groups of elephants, where it was possible to pass. The Roman fleet, seeing this from afar, turned the sterns of the ships and retreated, rowing hard with oars, struggling with great difficulty against the current of the swift river. Nevertheless, the Persians captured two empty vessels. Their crew, when they saw that they would be captured [by the enemy], courageously threw themselves into the water, preferring, as I think, a lesser present danger to a greater one, and experiencing the vicissitudes of fate. Therefore, with light spirit they threw themselves into the waves and, floundering in the strongest whirlpool, with difficulty reached their own.

Then the Romans left Bouzes with his troops on the Island, entrusting him with the care of all affairs there and the giving of assistance to them if it should prove necessary. Having again crossed the river and chosen another route by dry land, so as not to come to places already occupied by the enemy, they reached the city of Phasis, named after the river. Entering the city, the commanders posted guards on the walls according to the orders given to them. They did not consider their forces equal to the enemy's if a regular battle should occur. Justin, son of Germanus, first stationed himself with his troops in the highest part of the city facing the sea. A little further away Martin placed himself with his troops. In the very middle, Angilas with the Moorish peltasts and spearmen, Theodore with the heavy-armed Tzani, and Philomathius with the Isaurian slingers and javelin-throwers took up positions. Not far from them was stationed the detachment of the Langobards and Heruls. The leader of both was Gibrus. The rest of the wall, facing east, was guarded by the eastern cohorts under the command of the commander Valerianus. Thus the Roman army was stationed to defend the walls.

21. An extremely strong outer enclosure was built, which could serve as an outer fortification for the wall and withstand the first onslaught of the enemy. The commanders rightly feared for the wall, as it was built of wood and, because of its age, was destroyed in several places. Therefore, they dug a very deep circular ditch, which was so filled with water that had overflowed its banks that it concealed the sharp spears thickly set in the ditch and made them invisible. Since they directed there water from the lake, which they call the Little Sea and which has its source in the Euxine Pontus, they easily filled the whole ditch with water. Large cargo ships, by the surf of the waves and the current of the Phasis brought very close to the walls, had their boats raised high, suspended to the very top of the masts and firmly fastened, so that they considerably exceeded the height of the towers. On top were placed warriors and sailors, chosen from the bravest and most warlike, with bows and slings. There were also placed there artillery for their active use. Moreover, on the river, on both sides, stood vessels under the command of Valerianus. They were equipped in exactly the same way and were intended to resist the enemy, struck from both sides from more elevated places in case of their approach. So that the ships on the river might not be easily damaged by anyone, Dabragez, an Ant — taxiarch, and a certain Hun, lochagos by the name of Elmingirus, by order of the commanders, equipped ten light double-sterned vessels, filled them with their squires and, having gone as far up the river as possible, guarding it with the greatest care, observed from all sides the crossing, sailing now in the middle of the river, now approaching one or the other bank, and then something joyful and pleasant happened, as in war and in a battle encounter. Somewhat farther from the place where the said vessels were stationed, there stood two large thirty-oared ships, which, as I indicated above, were captured by the Persians, having on board Median hoplites: they were tied with cables to the shore. At night, when all on them were asleep, a strong storm arose and stretched the cables. By the pressure of the moving ships, the cables of both ships were suddenly broken. And since the oars could not be used and the ship could not be directed by the steering oar as it should, the current carried them off. Unmanageable and helpless, the ships were quickly carried away to the Romans, commanded by Dabragez. Seeing them, the latter joyfully captured them, being delighted by the unexpected acquisition, especially because the ships, which had earlier left them empty, returned filled with men.

22. At this time, moving from camp with the whole army, Nahogaran approached the city, wishing by an exchange of fire to test the Romans, whether they would make a sortie, and thus more clearly determine what military preparations he should make for the next day. When the Persians came within arrow-shot, they immediately, according to their custom, began to shoot with bows. Many Romans were wounded. Some, defending themselves, remained in the ranks, others left the battle. Angilas, however, and Philomathius and about 200 men from their detachments, although Martin had ordered the whole army to remain in its place and fight from cover, opened the nearest gates to them and rushed at the enemy. Theodore, the commander of the Tzani detachment, at first restrained his men and forbade the sortie, accusing them of recklessness. When they, however, disobeyed the order, he himself joined the majority, though unwillingly. He went with them against the enemy, so as not to appear cowardly and for this reason abandoned prudence. This enterprise by no means pleased him, but he wished to be a participant in it, no matter what it ended in. And indeed they all there nearly perished, if they had not been saved by chance, sent by God. For the Dailamites, who stood in that place, drawn up in battle order, seeing the small number of the attackers, silently awaited them and did not move from their place. When they, however, came closer, they imperceptibly advanced their flanks and enclosed them in a tight circle. The Romans, surrounded on all sides, thought no longer of inflicting any harm on the enemy, but considered it the most glorious and unheard-of deed if they could in some way slip away. So, closing ranks, advancing their spears, they rushed at the enemy, who had cut off their way to the city. When they saw them rushing with great impetus and as if despairing in fear, they immediately broke their formation and gave way, not enduring the onslaught of men fighting with certain death and daring all. Thanks to this withdrawal, the Romans who escaped by flight joyfully found themselves inside the walls and immediately shut the gates. They had passed through such danger, distinguishing themselves by nothing other than their flight and salvation.
23. The Persians' porters, however, had long been working on filling the ditch, filled it all, and what was scattered and dug up everywhere was now piled up, and the leveled ground became accessible for the troops advancing to storm the walls, and the battering rams and other devices for storming the city could without difficulty be moved up to the walls. They spent, however, more time on this than was fitting for such a multitude of workers. For when stones were thrown down in large numbers on the ground, they were not enough to fill the ditches. Trees could be obtained only from afar from the felled forest and could be brought only with great difficulty. The Romans had earlier burned all the buildings in the area adjacent to the city, moreover, all the inns and generally all dwellings near the city, with the intention, of course, that the enemy should not find there convenient and suitable material for their needs and could not easily construct siege engines. Nothing more worthy of mention happened that day. When night fell, Nahogaran returned to the camp.

The next day Martin wished to strengthen the spirit of his men and thereby strike a blow at the enemy. He gathered the whole Roman army, as if wishing to consult about the present situation. As had been prepared in advance by him, an unknown man came forward into the midst, covered with dust and as if having completed a long journey. He said that he had recently arrived from Byzantium and brought a letter from the emperor. Receiving it with great joy and unsealing it, Martin read it not to himself secretly, but ran his eyes over it and did not conceal the contents, but read it aloud, so that all might hear (in the letter, probably, something else was contained): "We are sending you also another army not less than the one you have, and therefore, if the enemy outnumber you, in any case not so much as you surpass them in courage, which equalizes your smaller number and quantitative disproportion. But, so that they may not even rejoice in this, receive also this army, sent not for necessity, but for glory and show. Therefore, be of good cheer, fight bravely, knowing that we shall do all that is necessary." He was immediately asked: where is the army? He replied that it was not farther than four Persian parasangs, that he had left it near the Neognus River, where his camp was. To this Martin, feigning indignation on his face, said: "Let them go back, let them return home as soon as possible. For I will never allow them to join us. Indeed, it is unworthy that these [troops] should come without necessity and, without having experienced danger, acquire equal glory, that the outcome of the war should be attributed to them and, what is most unjust, they should receive equal rewards with us, when these men have long been our fellow soldiers, for a long time have borne with us enormous hardships, have often fought against the enemy and have already brought matters to such a state that the enemy's defeat is not far and the crown of complete victory is near. However, let them remain there until they are ready to depart. But we have enough of these for the better conclusion of the war." Saying this, he immediately turned to the army and asked: "And do you, fellow soldiers, not think the same?" They, however, with a joyful shout confirmed the general's decision as most correct, and themselves felt much more powerful, as if they indeed needed no help. In particular, they were prompted to emulation and desire to fight by the hope of booty. They thought that in the near future they would plunder everything, as if the enemy had been destroyed. Their only care was how to divide the booty among themselves.

24. It happened, however, that something greater happened than Martin had expected. Having penetrated the masses and spread widely, the rumor reached the Persians themselves that another Roman army had reached the Neognus River and would soon join this one. Everyone was seized with alarm and fear that they, weakened by so many hardships, would have to fight against an army with fresh forces. Nahogaran, however, without delay sent a detachment of Persian troops of comparable size by the route by which he thought those would pass, about whom he had been deceived by rumor. Having come there, they were to show great vigilance and care in a useless task. Having occupied the most advantageous places and set ambushes, they awaited those who were not to come at all, [waiting] to fall upon them, as they advanced carelessly and in disorder, which was quite natural for those about to come unexpectedly, and thus to delay the speed of their advance until the [city] was taken by storm. Thus, a considerable detachment of Persians was unnecessarily labored, separated from the rest of the army. Nahogaran, however, advanced immediately, evidently wishing to forestall the approach of those who could by no means come. With great arrogance he fell upon the Romans, openly boasting and moreover swearing that he would burn the whole city with all the people that very day. Probably because of his pride, this madman forgot that the outcome of battle is always uncertain and doubtful, subject to many accidents and fluctuations one way and the other, especially depending on the supreme divine decree, since even important affairs do not always remain in the same condition, but countless peoples, many cities and all life are suddenly changed, thrown into confusion, and all hopes in all matters constantly waver and change. He, however, reached such arrogance that he even prescribed to his slaves and servants, who, having scattered in the forest, were cutting down trees either for firewood or for siege engines, that as soon as [they] see smoke rising high, they should know that this is fire seizing the Roman wooden enclosure, and, leaving their work, flee to him and strengthen the fire, to burn everything more easily. Thus boasting, he approaches the city and the walls. Justin, son of Germanus, however, who thought that Nahogaran would then attack the city, was struck by an idea, as I think, inspired by the deity — to go as soon as possible to the most holy temple, which is in great honor among Christians and which is not far from the city, and to pray for divine help. So, having chosen from his own and Martin's troops the bravest and most warlike soldiers and taking five thousand horsemen, all armed in the best manner, as those going into battle, he set out with them with banners and other military attributes. It happened that neither the Persians noticed their departure, nor they the movement of the Persians to the city. The latter were moving by another route and in closed ranks began the storming of the walls. They engaged in a much fiercer exchange of fire [than the day before], hoping thus to frighten the Romans more and as soon as possible to seize the city.

25. The arrows flew so thickly one after another that by their multitude they covered the whole sky, as if tied together, so that they could be compared to a great snowfall or a heavy hail, falling with the strongest wind. Others dragged siege engines and hurled incendiary projectiles. Some, sheltering themselves under the so-called testudo, with axes cut down the wall. As it was wooden, it could be easily destroyed. Others tried to undermine the ground and reach the base of the wall and thus shake and overthrow what was joined and connected. But the Romans too, standing on the towers and parapets, fought with ferocity and enthusiasm, as if wishing by the very deed to show that there was no need at all for them in the help of new troops. In fact, it became clear how useful and effective Martin's trick was. For all acted tirelessly, omitting nothing that was necessary to repel the enemy. For the multitude of spears and javelins thrown from above also struck the enemy, as they fell upon the mass uncovered by fortifications, which could not go in another direction. Stones, [brought] on wagons, were thrown upon the testudos, destroying them to the ground. Moreover, smaller stones, thrown from slings, pierced the helmets and shields of the Medes and did not allow them to approach the walls, striking here still more strongly. Of those, however, who, as I said, were placed in the upper boats, some with arrows thrown from above struck many, others skillfully used military engines. The deadly javelins, which the Romans hurled with great force, flew at the very distant barbarians, suddenly pierced them together with their horses and hurled them to the ground. The greatest cry arose and trumpets on each side gave forth warlike sounds. The Persians resounded with tympana and uttered loud cries to excite fear. The neighing of horses, the clash of shields, the rending of coats of mail produced a confused but strong din. Meanwhile, Justin, returning from the temple, having learned what was happening from the disordered cries and noise, immediately turned the cavalry and, having drawn it up in battle order, ordered the standards to be raised and all to set to work, having realized that it was not without the influence of the deity that they had left the city, in order by a sudden attack to throw the enemy into panic and cause them to cease the siege. Immediately, advancing forward, they saw the Persians attacking the walls, and immediately, raising a great shout, in close formation they rushed upon that part of the enemy which was arranged in battle order near the sea. From here they had come out. With long spears (sarissae), some however with swords, they crushed all that came in their way. Having made the strongest onslaught on the dense ranks of the enemy, striking them on their shields, they broke through their dense and close formation.

26. The Persians, however, thinking that this was that very army which, as they had heard, was approaching, had already come, unnoticed by those who had been sent against them, and, being separated from the rest of the army [of the Persians], were filled with confusion and fear and brought into disorder. They began to slowly retreat and withdraw. When the Dailamites saw this from afar (they were fighting under the middle part of the wall), they left a few there, and directed the rest to that part of the army which was in particular difficulty. Angilas and Theodore, however, the Roman commanders whom I mentioned earlier, noticing the small number of those who remained [of the Dailamites], immediately with a sufficiently strong detachment made a sortie from the city and killed some of them. The rest turned to flight, the Romans pursuing them without stopping. Then the Dailamites, who were going to the aid of the hard-pressed Persians, immediately turned back to meet the Romans. Considering it better and more prudent to aid their countrymen as soon as possible, they rushed with excessive zeal and immoderate speed, so that they more resembled shamefully fleeing than attacking. They galloped to help their own, but spread around them more confusion than fighting spirit. The Persian army, however, which was stationed nearest to them in battle order, seeing the Dailamites rushing in such a disorderly crowd, considering that this was nothing other than flight, and deciding that they would by no means have brought this disgrace upon themselves if they had not been subjected to some extraordinary unavoidable danger, itself also broke up, turning to shameful flight. Thus, the flight already being planned and prepared became evident. The Dailamites, thinking the same of the Persians, followed them, and fled at the same time both deceivers and deceived. While this was happening, a multitude of Romans, coming out of the fortification, made the flight of the Persians even more rapid, pursuing them and destroying the stragglers. Falling upon from different sides those who still resisted and maintained their formation, they fought fiercely. While the left wing of the barbarians was already visibly weakening and falling apart, those standing on the other wing continued to fight with the greatest bravery. The elephants, placed before the fortifications, attacking the Romans, immediately threw even their close formation into confusion, if anywhere it opposed them. Moreover, the archers seated on them inflicted great damage on the attacking Romans and shot at them without fail. Likewise, the roaming detachments of horsemen successfully attacked and threw into confusion the infantry and the heavily armed. And already from this side the Romans were retreating, about to flee.

27. At this time, one of Martin's squires, by name Ognaris, being in an extremely tight position, so that no possibility of flight presented itself to him and already despairing in his fear and as if testing the lot of fate, with great force struck with a spear the eyebrow of the fiercest of the elephants that had fallen upon him, and the point of the spear penetrated so deeply that its end hung down. Suffering from the wound received and moreover frightened by the javelin dangling from his eye, the elephant immediately retreated and began to rush in different directions. Sometimes, waving his trunk like a whip, he struck many Persians and threw them up, sometimes, stretching it out, he uttered some terrible and loud cry. The warriors sitting on him he threw off with a strong shock and killed them, trampling them with his feet, finally threw the whole Persian army into disorder, and the horses, to which he approached, he drove mad. With raised manes they resisted the riders. And those whom they seized with their teeth they tore and rent. Everything was filled with cries and confusion. The horses, frightened by the fury of the beast, did not obey the reins at all and, raising their forehooves, threw off their riders, galloping wildly, rushed between the ranks and, breathing heavily, let out steam from their nostrils. The people retreated, bumping into each other, suddenly pushed each other. Each tried to outrun his neighbor. Many were killed by their own, falling upon the swords of their friends and comrades. When the tumult and confusion increased, the Romans who had come out from the walls and those who still remained inside, united into a single battle order, rushed upon the confused enemy, covering the front edge of the battle line with shields. They, already exhausted, could not endure this onslaught and turned to swift disorderly flight, scattered, dispersed, each as he could, offering no resistance to the pursuers. Nahogaran himself, amazed by the unexpected outcome of the affair, was fleeing quickly, threatening everyone with a whip and ordering them to flee as fast as possible, which they were themselves doing. Thus his boastfulness turned into its opposite. The Romans only ceased the pursuit and slaughter of the barbarians when Martin recalled them with the trumpet, considering what had been done sufficient, and did not soften their souls, seized with anger. Thus, the Persians who survived, with difficulty slipped away to the camp, having lost in this battle not less than 10 thousand warriors.

The Romans, having returned after the pursuit, burned the testudos and other military engines of the Persians, left near the walls. When large fires were kindled, the unfortunate porters and servants sent to cut wood, seeing from afar the smoke rising high and spreading in the air, immediately rushed to the city, thinking that the walls were burning, as Nahogaran had boastfully promised earlier. So they rushed at a quick run, fearing, as they say, not to be late for the festival and that everything might not be reduced to ashes and cinders before their arrival. They vied with each other in speed, not knowing that he who came first would be the first to die. For they all, being captured in turn by the Romans, were killed, as if for this purpose they had appeared. And so not less than two thousand perished. The author of the death of so many slaves, completely inexperienced in military affairs, who had never entered the ranks, was Nahogaran, who had given thoughtless orders. Thus arrogance destroys not only its bearers, but also those who serve and obey them. After this, the Romans were naturally filled with better hopes, that in the future they would easily prove victorious, if the barbarians tried to renew the battle. With great honors they buried their own, as many as had perished in the battle, and they were not less than two hundred, praising their courage and that they, as men, had proved their bravery. The bodies of the enemy, however, they plundered and captured a great quantity of weapons and other things. Some of the slain wore not only shields, corselets, bows and quivers, but also golden chains, necklaces, earrings and other female ornaments of the same kind, with which the most distinguished and noble Medes are accustomed to adorn themselves, and by this they are distinguished from the crowd. Nahogaran, however, although he lacked the necessities and winter threatened, apparently wished to continue military operations and was preparing for this, but his desire and intention were not realized in fact. Having sent out the next day a detachment of Dailamites to the distance of a stadium and having ordered them to stand against the Romans in battle order, thereby demonstrating the impending battle, he himself secretly with the rest of the troops moved in the direction of Cotaisium and Mochirisis. When he had already traversed a great part of the way, then the Dailamites, having folded their battle order, very easily retreated, as is always possible for the lightly armed, strong and quick on foot. Joined also the other detachment of the Persian army, which earlier because of Martin's trick had been sent to the Neognus River, as I have related above. As soon as they learned that the Persians had been defeated and the Romans had gained possession of the whole country, they immediately by secret ways, remote from the mountain roads, reached Mochirisis, being participants not in battles, but in disgrace, more shameful than flight. So when the whole army had united, having left there a large part of the cavalry and appointed Vaphrizes, a most famous man among the Persians, as their commander, he himself with a few returned to Iberia to winter there.

Book 4

1. When the Romans had won the victory in the war and there came, as it were, a respite in misfortunes and at the same time the din of arms subsided, then the trial of Gubazes' murder was begun. So Athanasius sat in majesty on a high seat, clad in the chlamys which is worn only by the most outstanding of the commanders. Present were men most experienced in shorthand and in the ability to decipher quickly and skillfully what was written, other officials conducting themselves severely and solemnly, most experienced in judicial affairs, loud-voiced heralds and lictors. All of them were set apart by the government of Constantinople.

Those to whom it was entrusted brought out into the middle iron fetters, collars, chains, nooses and other instruments of torture. And, it seems to me, the Emperor Justinian not without reason, not rashly, but very wisely ordered the judicial proceeding to be arranged with such ceremony and solemnity, that not only the barbarians present there should admire the Roman institutions, when they were presented to them with solemn ceremony, and become more accustomed to their rule, but if even Gubazes, killed for attempting to go over to the Medes, should be convicted of this, then the Colchians should no longer grieve over his murder and be indignant at it as a terrible calamity. If, however, the murderers should be convicted of falsehood and of committing a shameful crime and should be condemned by a public court, the sentence would appear more severe to the barbarians and the punishment would be doubled, when the criminals would be led through the ranks in the presence of a herald, of the sword of justice, when the guilty would have their heads cut off in the sight of all. For he knew that if, according to barbarian custom, by secret execution he should order Rusticus and John to be removed, the Colchians would consider that punishments not severe enough had been appointed for such crimes. When, however, the judicial proceeding is conducted before a tribunal and the matter is decided with the participation of both sides, and the judicial officials go back and forth, and the guilty each in turn stand up and answer according to the order, when the full solemnity of the court and eloquence striking the ear will be shown to the spectators, in the performance of all this the retribution itself will appear more severe to the barbarians and perhaps even exceeding the measure of the crime committed. The procedure of the court strikes even the Roman citizens themselves and deprives them of their composure, although they often encounter it. So much more will be the effect on barbarians unaccustomed to it. For this, I think, reason the Roman, better to say Attic, tribunal was established on the Caucasus.

2. Then Rusticus and John, led out of prison, were placed on the left side as accused. On the opposite side appeared as accusers the wisest of the Colchians, who had long studied the Greek language. They asked first of all that the emperor's instructions on this matter, which John had earlier brought to the commanders, should be read aloud in everyone's hearing. This demand was satisfied by the judge: they were read aloud by one of those appointed for this purpose. They contained the following: "I consider it incredible and absurd what is reported by you, namely, that Gubazes decided, having rejected ancestral customs and those who in all things adhere to the same beliefs with him, to leave the Romans and go over to the side of men so hostile, alien and different from our faith, and moreover not provoked to this by any offense on our part. However, since we know that all human things are uncertain and deceitful, and it is often possible to observe a cycle of diverse and changeable accidents, we consider that your messenger should not be entirely deprived of trust. One cannot but try to prevent what he either only contemplates, or has already finally decided. Therefore, we reserve for ourselves a particularly careful and thorough examination of this matter, which is not yet clear. Of course, it is grievous to place firm trust in no one, to regard with suspicion and fear even those near to us. Nevertheless, in all things we consistently adhere to this principle: we follow nature and trust no one. But in order, on the one hand, not to come hastily to any cruel and inhuman decision concerning Gubazes, and, on the other hand, not to appear weak and improvident, fearing action, to avoid risk in one respect or the other, we have decided upon something of a middle course, as more in accord with moderation, namely: to bring this man here. So send him here as soon as possible, either voluntarily or by compulsion. If, however, learning your wish, he resists and refuses to come, when you attempt to seize him and send him (for this also is permissible for you) or even raises his hand against you, then only shall we be convinced in fact that he has contemplated defection, and henceforth shall consider him among the greatest enemies, so that even if someone kills him, who has dared this, we shall consider it only a just recompense for the crime. Then the executor will suffer no punishment. He will not be punished as a murderer, but should be praised as a tyrant-slayer." Thus were the exact instructions of the imperial letter established.

3. Immediately, the Colchians appointed for the accusation, as soon as the judge proposed to them to state the essence of their accusation as they wished, hotly proceeded with the accusation and said the following: "The crime itself, O judge, even if we were silent, clearly demands that the perpetrators be subjected to the severest punishments. However, if it is so established by your laws that even about the most obvious and greatest crimes a decision is not rendered until the facts are proved by speeches, then we too will now briefly state the essence [of the accusation]. Thus we shall fulfill the prescription of the law, even if our speech is simple and unskilled and completely does not correspond to the magnitude of the crimes committed. For what justification can there be for those who inhumanely killed such a man, your friend, your servant, a comrade in war and peace bound to you by unity of religion, always defending your interests, those who aroused such bitterness against you in the people, thereby earning the gratitude of your enemies? For they killed a king, moreover a king of a not unknown people, an ardent champion of virtue, defending the interests of the Romans much more than the murderers. Indeed, the affairs of the Colchians are prostrate and disordered, or rather the affairs of the whole state, since we form a part, and no small one, of [the Roman] subjects, and your integral, inviolable order is violated, and your power is greatly shaken, since a state, healthy and strong not in all its parts, but shaken even in a small part, can no longer stand firm. On the contrary, it assumes a false name, that which lacks integrity and perfection. So they are the authors of all this. But, they say, you should not consider the fact itself, although cruel, but pay attention only to the purpose and intention with which it was committed, more imagine in your mind by various dark, seemingly plausible arguments, an imaginary benefit, which in reality he causes. Scattering these fables and falsehoods constantly among the crowd before the trial, the guilty thought to deceive the minds of many. But if they present this at the actual trial, let them know, O judge, that it is not the property of Romans to allow themselves to be fooled with impunity, leaving without attention the obvious, so evident crime for the sake of doubtful excuses, which they vainly invent. One cannot tolerate those who, having killed such a man, shamelessly boast of this, shamelessly lie, that this murder has brought benefit to the state. Thus may crying opposites coexist, or in what way, calling this deed inhuman, shall we at the same time praise the intentions of those who carried it out? Always inseparable and very far apart and never can baseness and benefit, cruelty and justice be united.

4. But if we take even only their motives, these malicious and most base men are also convicted by them. Those who entertain intentions favorable to the Persians, like these bloodthirsty men, cannot even be called Romans. One can have no friendly intercourse with them as countrymen. They should rather be regarded as enemies, as if now already separated from you by the common law, although not yet written by you. Opponents and enemies should be recognized by their deeds, not by their place of abode. He who with the greatest zeal executes what is pleasing to the enemy should be considered by merit as an enemy, despite the fact that he was present here, fought together and was the nearest relative. But, they say, they did not kill a friend, not a king, but rather an enemy, a tyrant and a supporter of the Persians. They have come to such shamelessness and baseness that they accuse the dead man of a tendency to the Medes. The unfortunate man, even dead, is not free from slander, but is now accused of treason, so that victory has availed him nothing. What law of yours or of the barbarians will approve an accusation after the sentence has been carried out? Having become all together — both judges and enemies and accusers — they passed sentence without giving reasons, a sentence that could only be passed on one who was indeed accused of tyranny.
They should have, before killing him, if only they believed their accusations, openly instituted a judicial proceeding against him, summoned the most distinguished citizens for investigation, and not slander, as now, the accused without trial. But if this is permitted to all, why should we not also destroy these cannibals with our hands? And if we were perhaps called to court, we would appear as opponents of the already dead and reproach them for what had been done by them before. We would try to prove that we justly compensated one crime with another. For we, much more offended by the obvious crimes committed earlier, could easily avenge ourselves, and our vengeance would be just. But if you are to live according to ancestral laws, neither we nor others should do such a thing. Indeed, if some are permitted to kill their personal enemies as soon as they think fit, and if these cases become more frequent, and this self-will increases to infinity, how will the possibility of serving freely and without fear be preserved intact and whole by all? For if all kill each other with impunity, if they dare to inflict injuries on each other with impunity, and you cannot punish them for it, will not the whole people perish absurdly, and the possibility of investigation be cut off by the insolence of those preferring independent vengeance?

5. But, they will say, what harm is there in that, thanks to the murder of one man and that a traitor, our allies will learn to act more circumspectly? Of course, if a multitude of traitors is destroyed, even if the executors derive no benefit from it, the very fact of the punishment of such criminals is in itself sufficiently useful. But if this treason is not at all proved, and at the same time a man so highly placed is immediately killed and subjected to punishment, as if already convicted, how will this make your allies more compliant? Will they not rather break treaties and agreements, if they consider you participants in such a crime? They may think that if you are even toward people close and most intimately connected with you so inhuman and base, you can by no means be constant and faithful toward strangers and foreigners, with whom you are on terms only as long as necessity requires. But, of course, you are not participants in this impious plan, and this grievous sin, requiring expiatory sacrifice, of which they are wholly guilty, affects neither the Roman people nor the conviction rooted among the allies that you are always faithful, constant and governed by just laws. For our greater conviction of this this tribunal of yours has been instituted — for the common glory of the people, so that all may understand that entirely without your knowledge such cruel injustice and violence were done to the Colchians. Now, perhaps, the views of many are divided and wavering. When, however, by your decision, judge, these criminals are soon executed, it will be clearer than now that you are not accustomed to betray your friends, but are avengers for crimes committed. Although in words they seem to defend themselves, in fact they are forced to accuse themselves, to convict and acknowledge the baseness of the crime they have committed. For the imperial letters enjoin the commanders to send Gubazes to Byzantium, to compel him if he does not obey and resists necessity, but by no means to kill him until he begins to act hostilely, having openly revolted [from the emperor]. They, however, being commanders and having received permission from no one to do whatever they please, suddenly killed the unfortunate man, without even proposing to him to go to Byzantium, without making the least effort to compel him if he resisted, without producing as proof the government order, if he had in any way shown disobedience. They boast and pride themselves that they carried out the emperor's commission; in reality, however, they are convicted of complete disregard for his will, since they did not shrink from bringing a false accusation against Gubazes and by their own will passing sentence on him, contrary to those very reasonable instructions that were actually given [by the emperor], and, what is most lawless, did not even show the imperial letters, pretending that they were committing their deed on the basis of these letters.

6. Therefore we do not think that any execution and torture could surpass their crime. All injustice toward anyone should be avoided and forbidden by the laws, and especially when it concerns one who was treated so outrageously, who was so friendly and well disposed to you, who often exposed himself to danger for the sake of his allies. Who exchanged Persian riches and all blessings for friendship with you alone? Who rejected the friendship of Khosrow, from whom he could easily have obtained great wealth, who preferred to be content with less with you? When your country was for a very long time pressed by the Medes, when your troops were still delaying their arrival, he quickly changed his place of abode, concealed himself on the highest peaks of the Caucasus and, thus, preferred to live a life like that of beasts rather than to use the generosity of the enemy, to return home and live in luxury and full comfort. Who is this? He who feared no difficulties and hardships, when it concerned important interests — Gubazes. O laws, O justice! And of him, Gubazes, they say that he is a tyrant, that he was plotting to go over to the Medes and betray the Romans. Killed by Rusticus and John, abominable and vile men, was a man who was king, who, even if he had indeed been guilty of this crime, still could not have been punished immediately by these men, but should have given an account of his actions and received in due time the deserved punishment from the common greatest and most just sovereign of the Romans and Colchians. But they had no valid reason for committing this crime; only insane hatred, arising from envy, led them to this crime, leaving no time for proper discussion, deliberate reflection and awareness of what was due. Therefore, having cast aside all obstacles, giving full freedom to the inflated arrogance of their soul and burning hatred, they carried out what they had planned and thought out in their soul much earlier, using these letters as a pretext, without even paying attention and without considering the peculiarities of the present situation. When such a heavy war hung over, it is proper for prudent men to attract by humanity foreign and as yet unfamiliar peoples. These, however, used every effort to arm against the Romans even those peoples who had long been bound to them by the closest ties. And indeed, as far as it was in their power, they strove to ensure that we should give ourselves up to our enemies and plot against old friends. Our country would become Persian, our ancestral institutions would be completely destroyed, everything would come to a chaotic state — what mad designs for raising revolt and internal confusion in your country! When things are thus and our affairs are so shaken, then, if a fitting punishment can be devised for the criminals, it must be devised. And if we are always faithful to the Romans, it is unjust, judge, that criminals should abuse our leniency and suffer less than the magnitude of their crime requires."

7. While they accused thus, the assembled crowds of Colchians could not hear clearly the individual words or grasp the meaning of the individual arguments. But, knowing what was being said, they helped the accusers by expressions of their sympathy with appropriate gestures and facial expressions. Being in great mental agitation, they reflected on their faces now hope, now despair. And then, when the accusers finished their speech, and the judge paused a little and held a consultation, they were grieved by this and silently resented that the criminals were not executed immediately. When the judge announced that the accused too might say in their defense all that they wished, then they began to protest openly and make a noise, and individual indignant exclamations were already clearly heard. But the accusers, by signs calling the crowd to silence, prevented the growth of disorder. When silence was established, Rusticus, coming forward to the middle with his brother John, said the following: "Fate has quickly changed and turned back our desires. When the greatest rewards are due to us, we are trying to avoid the death sentence. But nevertheless, this trial seems to us very desirable and full of the greatest glory. Let it become clear to all that to us alone belongs the merit of killing the traitor and tyrant and preserving the interests of the emperor, so that if death overtakes us, we shall willingly accept as desirable and voluntary what is forced and bitter. We shall die, preserving a beautiful exhortation for the encouragement and consolation of the soul on the road — our own consciousness that we leave the Romans retaining power in Colchis, the consciousness that it has not been taken from them. If this tribunal were Persian and we had to appear before their court, then, of course, it would be necessary for you to deny what was done, one should fear investigation, we would by all means strive by all methods to deny [our participation] before judges disposed toward us in a hostile manner, irritated by this event, because through it they lost their hope. "When, however, the judge is a Roman, why should we deny the facts or why should we justify ourselves before you for having killed a tyrant and thereby done you great services? One should not attribute the honorable title of king to one who has not deserved it at all and has proved it himself, although this is shouted by the accusers and they speak of the cruelty of the evil done by us. For it is fitting to give this title not to the wearer of external ornaments — fibulae and chlamydes — but to him who honors justice, knows how to restrain his passions, and directs his thoughts only to the sublime. If we had killed such a man, we should have acted unlawfully, the accusation would be just, and the Colchians would justly call us violators, arrogant men, robbers.

But since his character was very far from these virtues and he did not contemplate anything reasonable, but thought only of how to secretly bring the Persians upon us and to sell our power to them, was it not the best outcome to prevent by this most glorious deed the very possibility of the threatening calamity? He who feels danger threatening from anyone's machinations, if he can, should immediately prevent these machinations and the threatening crisis by any means: instead of delaying, adapting himself to circumstances, he should strike a blow of great force, and not be satisfied with the possibility of preventing machinations by other machinations. For when plans have already been put into action, no means of prevention remains [for them], everything will immediately go to the worse, when with the destruction of the public safety, even hope for it perishes. Therefore, prudent men must act quickly and prevent, so that nothing irreparable may happen.

8. Although the accusers are diligent, calling this a crime deserving expiatory sacrifice, robbery and other such tragic names, in order to present the event in the most odious light, and striving with all their might to present only the bare fact, it is your duty, judge, carefully to consider also all that preceded it, what impelled us to this deed, and from the complete reasonableness of our motives to be convinced of our devotion. For we see everywhere in the cities how vagabonds, thieves and other such criminals are punished by decapitation, amputation of limbs, and we do not condemn such punishment, which we see with our own eyes, however cruel and inhuman it may appear to you, and we do not for that condemn the officials passing sentence, do not call them accursed, mad, criminal. But, considering what has been done [by the criminals] and taking into account that they receive recompense for their crimes, we rejoice in the cruelty [of the punishments]. The execution was not invented in vain, since criminals by no means disappear. Gubazes was killed by us. Rightly defining the concept of an enemy, the accusers agree that it applies not only to a stranger, but even to a countryman who strives to serve the enemy. And we consider this definition the best, as it is proper to the essence of the matter itself. Since each side agrees on this, allow us to prove that Gubazes was an enemy, using this very definition. If this is proved, it will become obvious that he was justly killed. Always every barbarian people, although subject to the Romans, is in mind very far from them, with difficulty endures the burden of laws and established order, and usually strives for changes and disturbances. And the thought of living peacefully under the rule of others he by no means admits, not even considering whether he has suffered any injustice. Since it is impossible for them to reconcile themselves to this, peoples of similar orders and near to them strive to join them to themselves. Although Gubazes was subject to all these vices as a barbarian and suffered from the treachery characteristic of this people, he, moreover, imbued himself with such hatred of us that he did not even consider it necessary to conceal it. On the contrary, he revealed and manifested hostility openly in deed, that hatred which he had long secretly borne in his soul.

When we were laboring intensely and exposing ourselves to all dangers, to destroy the plans of the enemy — he considered it necessary to stay at home with his countrymen and take no part in military operations. But he carefully observed which way the course of the contests of battle inclined. If the Romans accomplished some glorious deed and brought corresponding true glory of victory, he, revealing his hostile envious character, immediately tried to ridicule what had been done, to belittle the greatness of the accomplished deed, called it a ludicrous end of a ridiculous enterprise, and if it succeeded, attributed it not to bravery, but to the vicissitudes of fate. And when we by chance suffered misfortune (for how can it happen that human affairs always remain in one condition, and do not turn into their opposite), then he, as some voluntary judge of events, immediately freed fate from all blame, as if the outcome of events did not depend on it. For him then it remained firmly established that there was no other cause of our misfortune except the flabbiness of our spirit, the powerlessness of our hands and the recklessness of our plans. The changeability, inconstancy and caprices of fate and all that offended us in this, he never attributed to the enemy, as if in this respect they surpassed us.

9. And of this he shouted openly and made known not only to the Persian armies, which he aided and assisted in every way, but immediately messengers sent by him announced this in Iberia, among the tribe of the Svans, to the barbarians living beyond the Caucasus range, to those living beyond them and still further. He would not have hesitated for this purpose to go around all the ends of the earth. And the substance of the news was this: "the Romans are worthless in war and are defeated by the barbarians." And in these matters he devoted all his effort, not only to insult the whole Roman people (although this is monstrous and a sufficiently clear proof of a hostile soul), but he added to this something else, still more important, on which he labored and exercised himself most. He was plotting to shake in part the opinion that had been formed among all peoples about the greatest emperor, that he surpasses all others in strength and is adorned with countless trophies, and thus to incite them, seized with fear and admiration for the greatness of the Roman name, to insolence and self-will.

Is not he who does this justly called an enemy? Or should he rather be called a friend, a well-disposed King, one protected by treaty, and other titles with which the accusers adorn the tyrant, although both sides agree that friends cannot be distinguished from enemies otherwise than by the result of their deeds and by their good or evil disposition?
If we have proved that Gubazes was grieved by our victories and rejoiced if any failure occurred through our fault, why then do the barbarians appeal to Roman laws, by whose prescription we are accustomed to punish or, if necessary, even to destroy those who shake even partially the state order or cause harm to it?

But if it seems better to leave conjectures and assumptions and to consider exclusively the bare facts, where will this consideration lead us? The Persians occupied the fortification of Onoguris, set off from the Archaeopolis region. It is shameful that enemy troops were firmly established in our country, within our walls. The commanders firmly decided to move against them with the whole army, to destroy or drive out those who were most hostile to us, who were preparing all sorts of machinations against us. For this enterprise it was necessary for us to have the army of the Colchians, not only because, being more familiar with the locality than we, they would help us with their advice, but also in order to unite their army and their forces with ours, since we should have to fight against heavy-armed men entrenched in the most fortified place, and against those who would probably come to their aid from Mochirisis. What should the commanders have done in such circumstances? They should meet with the leader of the tribe and ask him for alliance, explaining to him the justice of the request. And, indeed, they met and explained what was needed. He, however, as if convinced that he was indeed a king, and that it was consequently permitted and really possible for him to live according to his own will, did not wish not only to unite his army with ours for the storming of the fortification, but even to be present at it. Moreover, he gave not even any explanations, even though little satisfactory, but presenting some plausible pretext for refusal. Instead, he refused our demand in the crudest manner, more arrogantly than befitted a hireling and a subject. Moreover, persisting in his hatred of the commanders, he, as an enemy, fell upon them with insults, considering this bravery befitting kings. Of course, in this he quite clearly showed shamelessness in a long-planned crime. Was it possible in such circumstances to delay further, to wait for stronger evidence, to show the imperial letters in which he was required to go to Byzantium, when he did not wish to traverse even a very short journey within his own country? How could we attempt to send him, imbued with such hostility toward you, to Byzantium? What unparalleled confusion, how many internal deadly conflicts should we have aroused by this! Most likely we should have given an impetus to open defection and continuous invasions of the Persians, when this enemy shamelessly opposed us and in every way strongly counteracted, when even without this this whole people is very prone to rebellion, more than other barbarians, to the changing of the existing order, especially when nearby there are those who wish to take them under their protection. We, however, by killing the leader of the rebellion, thus easily prevented a whole chain of such calamities, already ripening and being born, prevented so easily that now they even openly refuse to believe whether anything was indeed being prepared.

10. Therefore, judge, let them not produce letters and condemn us for having completely violated the instructions. To whom was it not obvious that the prescription concerning the necessity for him to go to Byzantium was only a trial and a test, whether he would voluntarily obey the prescriptions and whether he would duly respect them. And since you were well acquainted with the stubbornness and insolence of his soul, why did he refuse the lesser thing, how then could he be induced to the greater, without immediately coming to a great crisis? And we should inevitably have come to it, when already much evil had happened at that time. He who neglects the favorable moment and does not immediately seize what must be done, in vain will later call upon the missed opportunity. It remained, perhaps, as the accusers say, to begin a judicial proceeding against Gubazes and to call forth in court empty word-sparring, preferring inflated speeches to safety, but this was not allowed by the Persians already present, who represented the most real threat and were ready to attack the whole region of the Colchians at his instigation and with his assistance. Now, when we have shown in every way that Gubazes was at the same time an enemy and a traitor, whose thoughts were directed toward tyranny, what difference do the Colchians think there is in whether he was killed by us or by others? The feeling of love of country is born and strengthened not only in generals or persons invested with authority, but in every one who wishes to live freely there arises a corresponding care for the state in which he occupies some place, and a desire by all means to contribute to the public welfare. Although they call us accursed and contemptible, yet in fact we are the most faithful subjects of the emperor and Roman patriots, not allowing anyone to plot against him. If anything more should be added to this, know, judge, firmly, that this just and right deed, done of necessity, was performed with the approval of Martin!

11. When these had finished speaking, Athanasius first of all paid attention to the speeches of Rusticus. Twice there was judicial interrogation, all circumstances were carefully examined and investigated, it was established that there was no treason or striving for tyranny on the part of Gubazes, and [as it turned out] there had been a most lawless and base murder. If he refused to join the campaign to Onoguris, the cause of this was not his falling away to the side of the Medes, but his indignation at the commanders of the army because this fortification had been lost through their recklessness and negligence. When all this was established by the judge, he decided to bring to the emperor's knowledge the report that Martin had taken part in the preparation of this crime. As for them, irrefutably convicted of murder, he passed sentence, in which he ordered them to be immediately put to death by decapitation. They were led along the public roads, placed on mules especially for the Colchians, which was for them a subject of curious spectacle and a reminder of the necessity of the greatest circumspection. Especially they were struck by the voice of the herald — the crier, crying aloud and shrilly, calling upon them to fear the laws and to refrain from unjust murders. When, however, their heads were cut off, all were penetrated with compassion, forgetting the injury. Thus ended the trial. The Colchians, however, again felt the greatest good will toward the Romans, restoring their old relations with them.

12. After this, the Roman army wintered in the towns and fortifications, as each was ordered. At this time, the men having the greatest power among the Misimiani came to Iberia to Nahogaran and announced to him what they had done to Soterichus. The true reason they diplomatically concealed, saying only that when they had long stood on the side of the Persians, they were defamed by the Colchians and Romans and were considered the most disgraced of men. Finally, Soterichus himself came to them, in words as if for the distribution of money to the allies, but in fact in order to destroy and ruin the whole people. "So it behooved us," said the speakers, "either utterly to perish, or, having forestalled the Romans, to earn from someone the reputation of rashness and to be subjected to condemnation from them, but to preserve our old way of life and to adopt the most useful decision concerning affairs touching us. We chose the better and more in accord with human morals, caring little for abuse and reproaches, and above all placing our safety. Therefore we killed Soterichus and those who came with him for the said purposes, to avenge the insult done to us and, by this giving a pledge of the firmest fidelity to the Persians, to go over to them with the greatest glory. Since for all this and especially for the defection to the side of the Persians the Romans will not cease to pursue us with their anger and will very soon attack, to kill us all, as far as depends on them, it behooves you, commander, to receive us favorably, to defend us and to care for the preservation of the country as your own, subject to you, not to neglect a people to whom deadly danger threatens, not a small and obscure one, but one that can bring the greatest benefit to the Persian monarchy. For you will easily be convinced that in military affairs we are experienced and, after the conclusion of alliance with you, will fight very bravely, and you will have a locality situated within the very territory of the Colchians — a safe strategic point, very convenient for making raids and being as it were a bastion against enemies." Nahogaran, hearing this, received them very joyfully, praised them for their defection and ordered them to return home in the confidence that in due time they would receive Persian help. The envoys, returning home and relating everything, inspired the people with the greatest hopes.

13. In the spring, the Roman commanders assembled and decided to march against the Misimiani. Bouzes and Justin, however, were ordered to remain at the Island for the protection of this point and for the care of everything. Against the enemy were sent about four thousand infantry and cavalry, among whom were also men enjoying the greatest fame, and among them — Maxentius and Theodore, leader of the Tzani detachment, both warlike and taxiarchs. Thus they began the campaign. It was supposed that a little later Martin would join them as the future commander, so that the campaign might not even for a short time be without a leader. The command over all the troops, while they were passing through subject territory, was entrusted to the Armenian Borazes and the Colchian Pharsantes, who neither in military valor nor in other merits surpassed the other participants, and some even yielded to them, for Borazes was numbered among the lochagoi, the other was the leader of the tagma of the Colchians serving at the imperial court, the title [of which] is magister, the name of the tagma being derived from the barbarians serving in it. But he had neither such prudence nor such authority to command the Roman army with confidence.

So this army, with the onset of summer, came to the country of the Apsilians. When it wished to advance further, it was hindered by a Persian detachment gathered there. For, learning of the Romans' preparations and that they were going against the Misimiani, the Persians, having marched out from Iberia and the towns around Mochirisis, moved against the Romans, forestalling them in the occupation of the locality, in order to give help to the Misimiani there. Therefore, the Romans, being in the fortifications of the Apsilians, tried to prolong the time until the harvest season should pass; to march in battle order against the Persians and the Misimiani united with them they considered imprudent and even very dangerous. So each army remained in place; neither of them even made an attempt to advance further, but they mutually observed each other and waited to see who would move first. There were also auxiliary troops of the Sabir Huns with the Persians. This people, both the greatest and most numerous, very greedy both for war and for plunder, loves to live away from home in foreign lands, always seeks what is another's, for the sake of profit alone and hope of booty joining as a participant in war and dangers now to one, now to another, and turning from friend to enemy. For often they enter battle in alliance sometimes with the Romans, sometimes with the Persians, when these war with each other, and sell their mercenary assistance now to one, now to the other. In the former war they fought against the Persians, when in a night battle they destroyed a large number of the Dailamites who had attacked them, as I have related above. When, however, military operations were ended, they were dismissed by the Romans, having received the agreed pay, and went over to the side of those who a little earlier had been their bitterest enemies, whether the same or others, but in any case from this people, sent as an allied force.

14. Of them, about five hundred Sabirs were stationed on some elevated point, far from the rest of the army. When Maxentius and Theodore had well ascertained that they, having laid aside their arms, were in a careless state, they immediately sent three hundred horsemen against them. Having secretly surrounded the walls (they were not very high, so that one could see the face of the horseman standing inside), having approached, as I said, the walls from all sides, they began to strike the barbarians with javelins, stones, arrows and everything that came to hand. They, imagining that there were more enemies than there really were, struck by the unexpectedness, did not even think of defense. There was no possibility of flight either, since they were inside the walls. So all those there were quickly killed. Only forty men, miraculously, using their hands and feet, climbed the walls and scattered in different directions and hid in the nearest dense forest. But the Romans did not cease their pursuit even there. As soon as the Persians were informed of this, they immediately sent a detachment of two thousand horsemen in impeccable battle order. The Romans, however, yielding to them in number and as if satisfied with what had been done, hastily retreated and found themselves safe in the fortification from which they had come out, proud of the glorious deed and grieving only for Maxentius, since he had been very severely wounded by some barbarian who had hidden in the forest. Placed on a litter, he was saved beyond expectation. Immediately after the wounding, his companions, raising him, quickly carried him away from there, before the enemy fell upon them in mass. When they, however, came and attacked, then the Romans fled by some other way, drawing the pursuers after them, and gave (other Romans] the opportunity, although with difficulty, to bring him to the fortification.

15. Meanwhile, Justin, son of Germanus, sent one of his taxiarchs, a Hun by origin, by name Elminzurus, from the Island to Rhodopolis with two thousand horsemen. This Rhodopolis was a town of the Colchians, and at that time was occupied by the Persians. It had been taken much earlier by Mermeroes, who placed a Persian garrison in it. I pass over in silence how this happened, as it is clearly described by Procopius. When Elminzurus arrived there, he was helped by good fortune. The Persian garrison at that time happened to be outside the city; most of the inhabitants, however, were scattered in various places. Entering it without any difficulty and subjecting the city to his power, he reconnoitered the surrounding country and killed to a man all the Persian soldiers he met. As for the native-born and inhabitants, however, since he knew that they had gone over to the Persians rather through external pressure than through their own treachery, he allowed them to live in their native city, for greater security taking hostages, and regulated everything there properly. Thus, Rhodopolis was restored to its former state, returned to its ancestral rights and submitted to the Roman emperor. That summer, nothing more worthy of mention happened. When winter came, the Persians, immediately breaking camp, withdrew again to Cotaisium and Iberia with the purpose of wintering there, thus for a long time refusing help to the Misimiani. For by their ancestral institutions and customs, it is not permitted for them to undertake long and difficult foreign military campaigns in winter. The Romans, however, freed from the Persians blocking their way, continued their march toward the Misimiani. When they reached the so-called fortress of Tibelium, which separates the country of the Misimiani from the Apsilians, Martin arrived to take command and direct the whole army. But a severe illness that had befallen him there prevented the fulfillment of his intention. Therefore he remained there, to return a little later to the country of the Colchians and to its fortresses. The army, however, in the meantime continued to advance, led by the former commanders. First of all, it decided to test again the mood of the Misimiani, whether they would return voluntarily to more prudent intentions, recognizing their former rulers, whether they would repent of the crimes they had committed, surrendering to the Romans without battle and returning all the money stolen from Soterichus. So, choosing the most sensible men from the Apsilians as far as possible, [the Roman commanders] send them as envoys to the Misimiani. The Misimiani, however, were far from renouncing their obstinacy and by new deeds making amends for the rashness of the old. Moreover, these criminal men, burdened with crimes, in the power of an evil demon, deserving every abusive name that righteous indignation could give them, having cast aside and violated the common laws of humanity, immediately killed the envoys, although they were Apsilians, their neighbors, close to them in way of life, although they did not know and had no part in that of which they accused both the Romans and Soterichus, but wished only to give friendly advice without reproach, which could bring them profit.

16. So, having begun with impious deeds in their madness, they continued to persist in their former and even more impious crimes. Although they knew that the Persians had left and would not come to help, as had been agreed, yet, relying on the difficult passes and hoping that the Romans would never cross and overcome them, they committed even more cruel crimes. There is in this country a mountain attracting attention, not too high and rising not much above the locality, but extremely steep, rising perpendicularly upward, with cliffs falling away on all sides. In the middle was a narrow, poorly beaten path, difficult of access even for one fearless man, so that if one man standing on the summit of the mountain hindered the passage, the enemy, even very numerous, lightly armed and as agile as the Isaurians, could never pass. Relying on this locality, they came to extreme madness. The Romans, when they learned of the terrible crime of the Misimiani, were seized with furious indignation. When the barbarians delayed and no guard had yet been placed on the mountain, the Romans, forestalling them, occupied the summit and, having gained possession of it without any resistance, immediately scattered over the flatter and more accessible ground for horses. The Misimiani, however, deprived of this hope, immediately burned many fortifications they did not need, as they were not able to defend them, and all gathered in one, which seemed to them the most fortified. From ancient times it is called Tzakhar; they call it iron for its inaccessibility and strength. Upon a small band of Romans and not more than forty horsemen gathered together (they were, however, not from the ranks, but chosen and belonged to the commanders), when they were advancing separately from the rest of the army, six hundred Misimiani, both foot and horse, attacked, thinking that, surrounding them, they would easily kill them because of their number. But they, having experience in military affairs and quickly occupying a certain hill, showed brave deeds. A fierce battle was joined, going with varying success. They tried to surround the Romans. The Romans, however, now rushed upon them in close formation to break through and throw the whole barbarian formation into disorder, now retreated and returned to a safe place. Meanwhile, the rest of the Roman troops suddenly appeared on a mountain rising above the locality. The barbarians, suspecting an ambush and trick, immediately turned to hasty flight. The Roman army, however (for all were mingled together), fiercely pursued the enemy until it had destroyed a great number of them, so that of the whole number of the enemy only eighty men remained unharmed in this iron fortification. I do not doubt that if the Romans had attacked this fortification with one united onslaught, the enemy, shaken by the defeat just suffered, could have been taken at the first assault and the war would have been ended that same day. But since the Romans were deprived of a proper leader who possessed authority and prudence, but were all almost equal among themselves and, mutually reproaching each other, gave contradictory orders, and each listened only to himself, their actions remained unfinished and not deserving of approval. Since they came to different decisions and one proposed one thing, another another, nothing was done of what they had undertaken. Each, resenting that his opinion was not adopted, undertook the matter more negligently and carelessly and rejoiced more in the unsuccessful outcome, in order thereafter to boast and say to his own that he could point to no other cause of the failure than that they had not followed his personal opinion.

17. Being in such a state, they pitched camp farther from the enemy than was proper for a siege. Then they set out about dawn, did not make proper reconnaissance, but, seized by sluggishness and slowness, considered trifles serious and very favorable circumstances. Later than was fitting they attacked the enemy; earlier than they should have they returned back. Learning of this, Martin immediately sent to them as leader and director a Cappadocian by origin, already long honored with the dignity of commander, whose name was John, and the nickname given him was Dacicus. He had been sent to the Colchians a little earlier by the emperor, had the powers of Rusticus, namely to inform him carefully of everything that happened, and to reward distinguished soldiers with imperial gifts. So this John, having come to the country of the Misimiani and placed himself at the head of the Roman army, immediately posted everyone around the fortification and began the siege, simultaneously attacking those remaining outside and striving to throw all their affairs into disorder. Most of the dwellings were not surrounded by a wall, but were located in a rocky area, situated nearby. The crags and sheer cliffs, extending in length, made every access to it extremely difficult and passage for all strangers unfamiliar with the locality. The local inhabitants, however, knowing the locality, with difficulty descended by one extremely narrow and hidden path in case of necessity and again climbed up. At the foot of the mountain, on a damp and flat place, springs of drinking water gushed forth. There, descending at night (since the Romans watched them and partly hindered them), the barbarians drew water. One Isaurian, by name Illus, placed on guard here, when he saw a multitude of Misimiani late at night descending here [to the spring], did not hinder them, being hidden and observing silence. When they, however, having filled the vessels with water, returned back, the Isaurian secretly followed them, simultaneously with them climbed up, until he had ascended to the summit and carefully examined the locality, as far as he could do so in the darkness, and established that not more than eight men had been placed for guard and defense of the passage. Having ascertained all this, he immediately descended and reported everything to the general. He was greatly delighted by the news, and the nearest night chose one hundred brave and agile warriors and sent them to the ascent to reconnoiter the locality and to make an attack, when circumstances allowed. He ordered them, when they had firmly established themselves on the summit, to give a signal with the trumpet, so that the rest of the army too might attack the walls and the enemy might be thrown into confusion on all sides.
18. Illus, going in front, led the men to the ascent already reconnoitered by him. Following him was Ziper, doryphoros of Marcellinus, behind him Leontius, son of Dabragez, and behind him Theodore, taxiarch of the Tzani, and behind him in order all the rest followed. When already half the way had been passed, those who were in front clearly noticed the fire lit by the guards and that they were lying very close to it. Seven of them, evidently, were asleep and lay stretched out. Only one, leaning on his arm, resembled one awake, but he too was already struggling with sleep, having lowered his heavy head. However, it was unknown how things would go further, as he often nodded his head and raised it again. At this time, Leontius, son of Dabragez, slipped in some puddle, fell and rolled down, breaking his shield. Naturally, a loud sound was heard. The frightened guards awoke and, sitting on their couches, bared their swords, turned their heads in different directions, but could not understand what had happened. Since the glare of the fire blinded their eyes, they could not see those standing in the darkness, and the noise that had occurred during their sleep was not quite clear and distinct, as one that could have been produced only by the breaking of a weapon. The Romans, however, carefully observed everything. Having halted their step, they remained quiet and silent, as if rooted to the ground; no sound was heard; their feet remained motionless as they had been placed, and froze on a sharp stone or pressing a bush. If things had not been thus, some consciousness of what was being done would have reached the guards and they would, of course, have rolled down some huge stone, which, falling down, would easily have crushed all those attempting to climb up. Therefore, the Romans stood silent and motionless, so that even their breathing, born in their breasts, was not heard. And, of course, I admire them and praise their exemplary order, that they instantaneously, as if by agreement understanding what the situation required, froze in exemplary order, having mentally conceived what time did not permit to be expressed. The barbarians, however, not noticing anything threatening or dangerous, again returned to what was desirable to them, and sweetly fell asleep.

19. Then the Romans, attacking them, seized by sleep, hewed down both the others and this half-awake one, as someone jokingly called him, and then, fearlessly advancing, scattered through the streets. At the same time, the trumpet announced the beginning of the battle. Hearing this, the Misimiani were struck both by the unexpectedness and by the knowledge of the situation. Leaping from their beds, they tried to gather and unite, rushing out of different dwellings. But the Romans, meeting them as they came out and receiving them, so to speak, with swords, made a terrible slaughter. Some, already having rushed out, were immediately killed, and after them others, third ones, so that there was no interruption in the slaughter, carried on in the general scramble. Many women, leaping from their beds, with loud weeping poured out into the street. But the Romans, seized with anger, spared not even them. And they, cruelly hewn down, proved an expiatory sacrifice for the criminal shamelessness of their husbands. One beautiful woman rushed out with a lighted torch in her hands and was clearly visible, but she too, pierced in the belly by a spear, perished in the most miserable manner. Of the Romans, however, someone, seizing the torch, threw fire into the dwelling. The dwellings, built of wood and straw, quickly caught fire. The flame rose so high that it announced what was happening to the people of the Apsilians and to others more distant. Then, of course, the barbarians began to perish in an even more terrible way. Those who remained in their houses were burned together with their houses, or were crushed by the falling buildings. Over those, however, who rushed out of the houses, an even more certain death from swords hung. Many wandering children were captured, seeking their mothers. Of them, some were killed, cruelly dashed against stones. Others, however, as if for sport, tossed high and then falling down, were received on the upraised spears and pierced in the air. And, of course, the Romans not without reason showed the greatest bitterness against the Misimiani both for the murder of Soterichus and for the criminal villainy toward the envoys, but, of course, they should not have raged so cruelly against the children, who were by no means participants in the crimes of their fathers. And this offense did not go unpunished.

20. The whole night was spent in these terrible deeds. When all this place had already been ravaged, five hundred well-armed Misimiani, coming out of the fortification, at dawn attacked the Romans, who had not even posted guards, since they considered that they had won a complete victory. Therefore, they killed many of them, and put the rest to flight, quickly driving them out of the settlement. They disorderly rushed down, returned to the camp with numerous and various wounds from the enemy's weapons and from severe bruises of the legs from frequent falls on the stones. Therefore, they had no more spirit to climb this rock, but the storming of the wall in that part where the attack was most convenient seemed preferable, and the ditch filled up. Accordingly, having built several small houses and huts as close to the wall as possible, they safely stormed it, using equally both siege engines and the throwing of spears and other similar methods, making the position of those inside extremely difficult and even unbearable. The barbarians suffered severely from this, were very hard pressed, but did not cease to defend themselves. Some of them, using testudos, tried to advance upon the Roman structures, to destroy them. But before they approached and were properly covered, one Svaruna by name, a Slav by origin, hurled a spear at one who had not yet had time to cover himself and struck him mortally. Immediately, the testudo wavered and, falling apart, collapsed. The men were exposed and left without defense, whom the Romans easily killed, striking them with spears. One of them, however, escaped by flight and had already approached the fortification, was entering the gate, but there perished, struck by many arrows and, collapsing there, remained lying at the threshold of the gate, stretched out with the smaller part of his body outside the fortification, and the greater part inside. The Misimiani noticed this and interpreted it as an unfavorable and sad omen concerning the future. In general, they were already exhausted by hardships and wished to return to friendship with the Romans, especially because no help had come from the Persians to them, as had been agreed. Taking all this into account, weighing their strength and that they were not equal to the Roman, understanding that they could no longer endure the war, now only and with great difficulty they returned to more reasonable thoughts, immediately sent envoys to John and asked not to destroy them utterly, not to annihilate completely a people already from ancient times subject to the Romans, of one religion with them, which, irritated by many injustices, tried to oppose them, but did so with barbarian madness. They said that nevertheless they deserved compassion and forgiveness, having suffered such heavy punishment and endured such cruel calamities, for example, the burning of all the buildings surrounding the fortification, the death of not less than five thousand men of flowering age, and of a much greater number of women and still more of children, so that little was lacking for the whole Misimian people to be destroyed. John very willingly accepted their request, partly not to remain longer with the army in a deserted and extremely cold place, and partly because those who had committed the crime had indeed suffered a fitting punishment. So he received hostages and all the money that Soterichus had brought with him, all his other property and most importantly — the imperial gold (there were twenty-eight thousand eight hundred nomismata of full weight and genuine coin). Having received, I repeat, all this, having added to this a great booty, he allowed them again without fear to cultivate their fields and to restore their former way of life, and himself returned to the country of the Colchians, and returned also the army that had been distinguished by its bravery, having lost only thirty men.

21. After this, the Emperor Justinian completely removed Martin from power and appointed in his place Justin, son of Germanus, who commanded all the troops in Colchis and Armenia with full and absolute authority. The latter had not been very pleased earlier that Martin occupied the first place and commanded all, indeed taking no small part in the intrigue waged against Gubazes. But he kept all this to himself and concealed it for a time, thinking that command could not be shaken or changed under such a confused military situation, especially considering the popularity Martin enjoyed in the army both for his experience in military affairs and for his ability to direct individual operations correctly. Of course, this circumstance was, as I think, salvation for him, for otherwise he should have died together with John and Rusticus. Now, however, out of respect for his victories and the prudence he showed in moments of danger, [the emperor], imperceptibly softening and mitigating the extreme severity and rigor of the laws, forgave him his crime, but did not allow him to remain in power any longer, and ordered him to live as a private citizen, considering it sufficient to punish him with atimia, even if he had been a participant in such a crime. So, since the Persians remained quiet, and the state of affairs resembled a truce, he removed him from office, and to Justin, connected with him by close kinship and in general a man of great authority at that time, he transferred power, having summoned him to Byzantium, and again sent him to the Colchians to settle there all affairs in order.
In his retinue was one John by name, an African by origin, at first an obscure and poor man, so that for the sake of obtaining means of livelihood he had even to serve for hire, to accompany the squires and to bear the burdens of a servant's position, but a little later he attained great wealth and became arrogant. Inventing various machinations, having success in various inventions, he had become known shortly before this to Justin — this worst, most cunning man, who, for the sake of gain, did not refuse any shameful and dishonest enterprise. Now he asked the general for a certain sum of money, promising on receipt of it to provide to him who had given the money, at any convenient time, articles of provisions on favorable terms, then to all his available servants, slaves, retinue, interpreters, squires — to supply them all with necessary provisions. He promised, having done this, not only to preserve all the money and to return as much as he had taken, as borrowed, but also to add a certain sum as interest. And, of course, this seemed to many an empty boast, bordering on a riddle. Justin, however, who should have been indignant at these ridiculous proposals of the African, since he should have understood that he would not be able to fulfill his promises without doing injustice and violence, without ruining by various illegal dealings all with whom he would have to deal, nevertheless accepted the proposal, gave the money and allowed him to do what he pleased to fulfill these conditions.

22. Then John, going around the Roman villages that were on the road, summoned the inhabitants where there were not enough oxen, and declared that the army needed them. Showing twenty talents, he said: "For this sum you need to supply oxen, by no means for a smaller one. Receive them, and bring me the oxen as soon as possible." They, however, asked him for release from this and swore that the oxen they had were not enough even for the cultivation of their own fields. But this scoundrel, however, sternly refused them this and threatened severe penalties, if the general should not have the opportunity to buy the necessary means of transport, and, feigning indignation, he so represented the matter that they, having sold their most valuable property and collected as much money as they could, bought themselves off from the demands of this scoundrel. Having got away from here and appearing where they had not even heard the names of camels and mules, he shouted that he had come to buy them, and, using the same method, displayed the money and departed, having received a bribe. Thus, going everywhere and seeking what was not there, selling nothing, buying nothing, concluding no transaction, he collected money and exacted it from those to whom he gave nothing in return, and thanks to this very soon the principal amount of the tax burden was doubled for the taxpayers. When he appeared in the country of the Colchians, he did the same there. Moreover, having obtained, I know not how, cargo ships, having collected by all sorts of violence the local products, having bought much for a trifle, he sent it all and sold it in other places. Naturally, the army lacked the most necessary things, so that even greens were bought. This criminal speculator and middleman, however, obtained huge profits. From these profits he returned with interest to Justin the money he had taken from him and at the same time supplied him with provisions. Justin, although he knew what was being done, paid little attention to the weeping and tears of the robbed people, although they constantly came to him, threw themselves at his feet and implored him to deliver them from the extortions. Thus, in an unworthy manner he derived profit from injustice and rejoiced in it, used unpurchased provisions and at the same time made his purse heavier. In time he should receive heavy retribution for this. Although he afterwards endured countless hardships and attained the greatest glory by repelling the barbarians on the Danube River, yet by no means was the divine wrath softened or covered by this. As I think, it remained firm, deeply imprinted in memory, preserved until the favorable moment. Not immediately is punishment usually sent down as soon as we have sinned, but mostly after some time, when perhaps we have already forgotten our transgression, and therefore grieve over the calamities befalling us, as if we suffer from them without guilt and unjustly, and accuse the envy and enmity of men, as having suffered undeservedly from them. God, however, in whose hands and under whose power we are, knows what is fitting and proper for each, and in whatever way he pleases, pursues and avenges the sins that were committed much earlier.

However, what later happened to Justin, the unexpected end of his life and his fortune — all this will be related by me in detail in order, when the narrative, according to the established plan, illuminating the continuous chain of events, reaches that time. Now, however, I must return to the subject [of the narrative] and relate directly the following events.

31. Thus, Nahogaran for his rashness and for having suffered a complete defeat from Martin and the Roman armies and for his shameful flight to Iberia, was put to the cruelest death, as I have said above. Khosrow, however, became convinced that he was not able to wage war against the Romans in the Colchian land, since they, being in possession of the sea, easily send there all they need, while he is forced with the greatest difficulty by long and desert routes to send to his camps even a small amount of provisions by means of porters and pack animals. Therefore, he decided to conclude peace everywhere, so that it should not be partial and incomplete, limited to a certain locality, and therefore unstable, but such as should be equally lasting everywhere. For this purpose he sends as envoy a certain Persian from among the most authoritative persons, whose name was Zich. When he came to the Emperor Justinian and spoke much to him about the present situation, and heard much from him in reply, they finally agreed that the Romans and Persians should preserve in Lazica all that they had acquired by right of war, whether cities or fortifications. At the same time, both sides undertook to remain quiet and to refrain from war, until the two governments should agree on a more lasting and perfect peace. Thus Zich, having fulfilled his commissions, returned home. When the commanders were informed of this, both armies for a long time ceased military operations. And what had happened spontaneously before was now confirmed by treaty.

Book 5

1. Thus the greatest and rival in power peoples, according to the treaty, laid aside their arms, remained quiet for a very long time, and neither side plotted anything against the other. At this time, the Tzani, a northern tribe, who from ancient times were subjects of the Romans, inhabiting the region around Trapezus, — some preserved the old treaties and did not show boldness, others, however, leaving their former way of life, began to live in the manner of robbers and undertook hostile raids on the localities adjacent to Pontus, devastated the fields, attacked travelers and even, making raids on Armenia, carried off from there as much booty as they could and behaved no otherwise than if they were open enemies. Against them was sent Theodore, their countryman, considered one of the first Roman taxiarchs. I have often mentioned him before. Knowing well his native country, he [understood] where best to invade, where most convenient to pitch camp and how to reconnoiter the enemy. Therefore, justly, by imperial order he was sent on this task. Having set out from the Colchian land with a suitable army and having crossed its borders beyond the Phasis on the west, he immediately invaded the enemy country. Having pitched camp near the city of Theodoriada and the so-called Rizeum, he surrounded the camp with a rampart, having invited the Tzani who were still quiet and friendly and had not yet revolted. He presents them with gifts, praises their prudence and moderation; those, however, who, having violated the treaty, had insolently revolted, he prepared to punish as soon as possible by war. And they without any delay approach nearer to the rampart and, having gathered in large forces on the nearest elevated place, hurl from there spears and arrows at the Romans, so that the whole army was thrown into confusion by their unexpected boldness. Many, however, rushing out from behind the rampart, with great enthusiasm threw themselves against the enemy, but advanced in disorder, without any order, and did not intend to challenge them to level ground, but, penetrated with anger, in disorder, covering their heads with inverted shields, slightly bent, attempted to climb the high hill. The Tzani, however, quickly throwing spears from the elevated place and rolling down stones, easily repelled them and, making a sortie, killed about 40 men, and put the rest to flight. When the affair unexpectedly ended happily for them, the barbarians approached as close as possible to the camp and there a most stubborn battle was joined, one side striving to break in and plunder everything, while the Romans considered it a disgrace if they not only did not quickly drive off the enemy, but did not utterly destroy them. Pressing each other and again advancing, fighting hand-to-hand, they by no means lost courage, but for a very long time fought with equal success. Everything was filled with loud noise and confused shouting, in which nothing could be distinguished.

2. Theodore, the Roman taxiarch, however, seeing that the enemy were without leadership and drawn up in a position far from safe for them strategically, were besieging and storming the fortification not from different sides, but from one place, orders some of his men to remain in place and fight the opposing force, but sends a large part of his army to attack the enemy from the rear. They, having come out in the most secret manner and appearing in the rear, raised a loud and piercing war cry, so that the frightened Tzani had no other thought than to turn to shameful flight. As they fled thus in fear and as if they had lost their reason, the Romans mercilessly killed them and two thousand of them they killed, and the survivors scattered in various places. So Theodore completely subdued the whole people, reported what had happened to the emperor and inquired what he wished to decide concerning them. He ordered a certain annual tribute to be imposed on them, which they should pay in future, so that they might thus understand that they were subjects and tributaries and completely subordinate. So they were all registered, and the burden of taxation was imposed upon them, and to this day they pay tribute to the Romans. The Emperor Justinian took pride in this as a great deed. Therefore, enumerating other victories in one of his constitutions, which we call novellae, he mentions as one of the first the victory over this people.

The arrogance of the Tzani received such an end and Theodore through the country of the Laz returned to the strategi. COPY

Materials:

Agathias of Myrina "On the Reign of Justinian" Translation by M.V. Levchenko. M. 1996.

Procopius of Caesarea notes that the Alans occupy "all that country which extends from the limits of the Caucasus to the Caspian Gates (Darial Pass)."

Procopius of Caesarea, describing the population of the Boas River basin (modern Kvirila) — the main tributary of the Phasis (Rioni) — noted: "Many different peoples dwell here, among them the Alans and Abasgians, who are Christians and long-standing friends of the Romans."


Materials:

Procopius of Caesarea "War with the Persians. War with the Vandals. Secret History." M. 1993